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Number 27 $5.00 

Special Issue on the Religious Right 

Televangelist Pat Robertson Reviewing Contra Troops 

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* This double issue of CAIB focuses on the growing power 
of the Religious Right in American politics. It is an enormous 
subject, and in the articles which follow we highlight only a 
few of the more significant elements of this movement and its 
domestic and international networks. Its powerful lobbying for 
a far-right foreign policy, its profound connections to the 
military-industrial complex, and its rapidly growing inter- 
national operations make the Religious Right a world-wide 

The Religious Right fulfills a specific purpose for the most 
regressive sectors of the ruling class, and its operations 
supplement the work of the government agencies, think tanks, 
lobbies, private intelligence, and other institutions created, 
• funded, and protected by the same ruling circles. During recent 
' v years it has demonstrated to those interests its ability to 
recruit and mobilize large numbers of persons around an ex- 
tcemely reactionary agenda. 

The leadership of the Religious Right has a significant con- 
nection to the secular, political world — the reason it is of such 
significance to the progressive movement. Backers of the 
World Anti-Communist League sit on the board of the Campus 
Crusade for Christ; rightwing business magnates and military 
brass fund the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship Inter- 

national. Reverend Moon gives Arnaud de Borchgrave a 
newspaper. Pat Robertson outpolls Jesse Helms, and Ronald 
Reagan sends his regards to the America Needs Fatima Cam- 

While we recognize and support the struggles of the pro- 
gressive religious community for social justice at home and 
abroad, most of our readers know little of the activities of its 
opposite numbers in the Religious Right. We hope that this 
issue will help people begin to understand the scope of their 

Contragate and All That Jazz 

Although the Iran-hostage-cwifru scandal burgeoned as we 
were preparing this special issue to go to press, we could not 
let these propitious developments go unsung. While we hope 
in later issues to analyze in detail some of the interesting 
ramifications of the scandal, we cover here the interesting 
career of Frank Carlucci, the strange operations of Southern 
Air Transport, and the shuttle diplomacy of Michael Ledeen. 

Finally, we are pleased to present Edward Herman's de- 
finitive analysis of the New York Times ' s unending dis- 
information about the Bulgarian Connection. • 

Table of Contents 




Samora Machel 

By Walter Sampson 


By Ellen Ray 


The Religious Right and 

Holy Spooks 

the Black Community 

By Larry Kickham 


By Clarence Lusane 


Theology of Nuclear War 

The New York Times and 

By Larry Kickham 


the Bulgarian Connection 


By Edward S. Herman and Frank Brodhead 


By Sara Diamond 


Frank Carlucci 

Christian Underground 

By Louis Wolf and William Vomberger 


By Michael O’Brien 


Southern Air Transport 

Moon’s Law 

By David Truong D. H. 


By Fred Clarkson 



By Fred Landis 


Cover; Pat Robertson reviews contra troops 

in Honduras during “Operation Blessing,” a scene from “ A Su Nombre a half-hour 

video about the penetration of the religious Right in Central America. For rental or purchase information, write to; Karen Ranucci, 
87 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10013. 

CovertAction Information Bulletin, Number 27, Spring 1987: published by Covert Action Publications. Inc. . a District of Columbia Nonprofit Corporation; Post 
Office Box 50272, Washington DC 20004; (202) 737-5317, andc/o Institute for Media Analysis, Inc., 145 West 4th Street. New York NY 10012, (212) 254-1061 . 
Typeset by CAIB\ printed by Faculty Press, Brooklyn NY. Staff: Ellen Ray, William Schaap, Louis Wolf, and William Vomberger. Indexed in the Alternative 
Press Index. ISSN 0275-309X. 

2 CovertAction 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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In Memoriam: 

Samora Moises Machel 

By Ellen Ray 

On the same day — October 19 — just three years apart, two 
great Third World leaders. Samora Moises Machel of Mo- 
zambique and Maurice Bishop of Grenada, were murdered by 
the Same forces of imperialism, neo-colonialism, and racism. 

Maurice Bishop's Murder 

In the ease of Prime Minister Bishop. U S. intelligence 
worked incessantly for the four years of the Grenadian revolu- 
tionary experience to divide and conquer the New Jewel 
Movement, in order to justify the coming invasion. Their 
machinations came to a head on October 19. 1983: Bishop had 
been arrested and held for several days by members of his own 
party when a march to secure his release was led by pro- 
vocateurs just before a scheduled meeting to resolve the con- 
flict, He was taken to a military garrison rather than to the town 
square, where he had wanted to address his people. In the 
horror whiqh ensued at Fort Rupert. Bishop and five other high 
government officials were murdered, along with an unknown 
number of Cirenadians mowed dow n by soldiers' bullets. 

Despite a sham trial in Grenada, held under the watchful eye 
of the U.S.. which ended recently with the conviction of 
seventeen people for murder and manslaughter, the events of 
that bloody October 19 will never be known. Just who killed 
Maurice Bishop and his comrades, and under whose orders? 

The Plane Crash 

The forces behind the killing of President Samora Machel 
may have a better chance of surfacing, although the South 
African police had nearly twenty-four hours to destroy 
evidence before Mozambican authorities arrived at the site of 
the plane crash. 

On that equally bloody October 19 last year, Machel and a 
planeload of his advisers and staff were returning from a meet- 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

ing in Zambia between three frontline leaders and Zaire s 
President Mobutu. The meeting followed two weeks ol es- 
calating South African threats against Mozambique. The Pres- 
ident's twin-engine Soviet TU-134 was about to land at 
Maputo airport when suddenly, according to the cockpit voice 
recorder found in the wreckage, the automatic pilot was given 
instructions by a VOR signal (very high frequency om- 
nidirectional radio), on the Maputo airport frequency, to turn 
sharply to the right, a course which took the plane into the 
mountains of the South African border with Mozambique, 
where it crashed at an altitude of 2. 1 87 feet. Thirty-five people, 
including Maehel's closest advisers, were killed: ten people 

There are numerous discrepancies in the South African au- 
thorities' story. Pretoria admits that it had tracked the plane 
from the time it left Zambia and that their police arrived at the 
scene of the crash within two hours, although they did nothing 
to help the survivors, nor did they inlorm the Mozambican au- 
thorities for more than nine hours. 1 he plane went down in a 
closed South African military border zone, just 300 meters 
from Mozambique. Witnesses at the site report that a large tent 
had been set up several days before the crash 130 meters 
away, and that it was mysteriously taken down the day alter the 
crash. The obvious conclusion is that it housed a portable 
VOR beacon which lured the plane to its fatal destination. 
There is no question about the lalse VOR signal. The black 
box. which South Africa refused for over a month to return to 
Mozambique, is clear on that. 

But were foul play to be proved in the future, the South 
Africans and the U.S. have a ready alibi. The II. S. -South 
African backed Mozambique National Resistance (MNR or 
Renamo). a vicious group of insurgents who have been waging 
a terrorist war in that region, has spread the story that it 
downed the plane with a captured Soviet-built SAM missile. If 
necessary, it will be easy for all concerned to blame the action 
on them Even more convenient is the fact that there are lira 
MNRs. both bucked by the U.S. (see sidebar in "God Is Phas- 
ing Out Democracy." in this issue), so that if one is blamed, 
the other can continue to receive "covert" U.S. aid to continue 
the war against Mozambique. 

All of this underscores how complicated ITS. strategic 
planning can be. The Reagan Doctrine was not averse to want- 
ing Machel when he was alive, which they did in brokering the 
short-lived Nkomati accord between Mozambique and South 
Africa. When he was killed, so much the better in their grand 
plan for southern Africa. 


CAIB had many friends who died in both of these 
bloodbaths. victims of betrayal, treachery, and cold-blooded 
murder. If there is a lesson to be learned from either ex- 
perience. it is the further confirmation that the II. S.. South 
Africa, and their allies will not shrink from the most heinous 
acts to accomplish their ends. • 

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Holy Spirit or Holy Spook? 

By Larry Kickham* 

Sometimes religion and covert action, like religion and 
politics, get mixed together. Televangelist Pat Robertson, 
head of the Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) and CBN 
University, and a presidential candidate, has gone so far as to 
liken the presence of CIA agents to divine protection (see 
sidebar). A religious leader who can confuse God with the CIA 
is capable of almost anything. 

Robertson’s CBN funneled aid to the Efrain Rios Montt 
junta in Guatemala and to the contra armies in Honduras and 
Costa Rica. Robertson told the New York Times' that CBN 
would send missionaries and "more than a billion dollars" to 
Guatemala. The promise wasn’t fully met but the Guatemalan 
dictator used the pledges of support from U.S. evangelicals to 
convince Congress that he would not seek massive sums of 
U.S. government aid. The State Department briefed Christian 
Right leaders on the need for "private" support for the Rios 
Montt regime. Such “private" aid was funneled through Rfos 
Montt’s Eureka, California-based sect. Gospel Outreach, 
which helped the Guatemalan army administer the refugee 
camps created by Rios Montt’s brutal counterinsurgency 
massacres of Mayan Quiche Indians. : Robertson is still 
deeply involved in counterinsurgency efforts in Central Ame- 
rica. CBN now supplies chaplains and Bibles to the contras . ’ 
Unfortunately, Robertson’s CBN, unlike some other televi- 
tiiqp evangelists including Billy Graham and Jim Bakker. does 
not voluntarily issue annual audited financial statements. 

An international organization like CBN. active in 65 foreign 
countries including Israel, Argentina, Bophuthatswana — a 
South African “home-land," El Salvador. Guatemala, and 
Honduras, would be of obvious use to an intelligence agency 
like the CIA. Such organizations can be used as conduits of 
funds and can help administer counterinsurgency programs, 
and even help keep up military morale by providing chaplains. 
Counterinsurgency is a dirty business involving a lot of kill- 
ing. The killers need assurance that they are pursuing a godly 
crusade to continue their work with a good conscience. 

The Bid For Power 

Now, after two terms of Ronald Reagan, a television 
evangelist is making a bid for the White House. Pat Robert- 
son, backed by elements of the same evangelical coalition 
Reagan reintroduced to politics, has been running hard for the 
presidency since 1985. Robertson unofficially launched his 
campaign at the February 1986 national convention of the 
National Religious Broadcasters (NRB). Staff members and 

1. May 20, 19X2. 

2. See Sara Diamond. "Candidate Robertson's Central American Policy. 
Daily Californian , September 3, 1986. And see "Shepherding." in this issue. 

3. See John Dillon and Jon Lee Anderson. "Who's Behind the Aid to the 
Contras," The Nation, October 6, 1984, and Vicki Kemper, "In the Name of 
Relief: A look at private U.S. aid in contra territory." Sojourners. October 
1985. Robertson told a press conference at the National Religious Broad- 
casters convention in Washington, D.C. (February 4. 1986) that he supplied 
chaplains and Bibles to the contra troops. 

* Larry Kickham is a freelance journalist in New York who has studied the 
religious Right intensively. 

4 CovertAction 

students of CBN University passed out buttons proclaiming: 
SON.” At the conclusion of Robertson’s keynote address (an 
attack on the Democratic party chief and a call for "Christian” 
activism in politics) CBN staff and students lifted a Robertson 
for President banner. But whether Robertson can actually get 
the Republican nomination may not be as important in the long 
run as the success of evangelical organizations and in- 
dividuals in local and regional politics. 

Conservative evangelicals became major players in the 
political arena when their champion Ronald Reagan was 
elected President in 1980. The political action groups behind 
Reagan, like Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, the California- 
based Christian Voice, and Tim LaHaye’s American Coalition 
for Traditional Values (ACTV) organized many independent 
fundamentalist and Pentecostal churches across the country 
into effective voting blocs. In 1984, thanks to their efforts, 
Reagan won about 80 percent of what hud become a white 
evangelical voting bloc. 4 

The “Religious Right" is a complex coalition of independent 
organizations ranging from the well-known and wealthy 
national and international television networks like CBN. 
through smaller but more numerous regional TV and radio 
ministries, to a multitude of small "mom and pop" operations. 
Many of these organizations are now actively involved in 
coalition politics. Most of them aggressively backed Reagan 
and have supported controversial Reagan administration pro- 
grams with letter-writing campaigns to influence a reluctant 
Congress. Reagan returned the favor by recruiting evangelical 
activists into government service and symbolically champion- 
ing their pet issues. Having tasted power, and after eight years 
of appointments and hirings under Reagan, conservative 
evangelicals will be credentialed players in national politics 
well into the next century. The leaders of the evangelical bloc, 
having tasted power, are now planing to win elections to come 
and are sure to continue to play a significant role in American 
politics in the years ahead. 

Pat Robertson, a star of religious television who has been 
“praying" about running for president, surprised observers by 
the success of his organization, the Freedom Council, in the 
initial contests for state presidential delegates in Michigan. 
The Freedom Council filed as many delegate candidates as 
Vice President George Bush. According to Robertson's 
numbers he came in a dead heat with Bush in the actual delegate 
count. The exit polls, however, had Robertson trailing behind 
Bush, though, in such a delegate election many voters proba- 
bly didn’t actually know which presidential candidates the 
candidates for delegates favored. 

Robertson's organization may prove to be even stronger in 
the South than in Michigan. Because the Christian Right has 
become an organized bloc, Robertson could well surprise 
everyone by becoming a serious contender in the Republican 
presidential primaries of 1987-8. Robertson founded the Free- 
dom Council in 1981 as a tax-deductible, non-profit, "educa- 
tional” organization. It trained evangelicals in party politics to 

4. A CBS News poll published in the New York Times. November 8, 1984. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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win "the battle of souls taking place in government,” and ran 
voter registration drives in churches throughout the country, 
training conservative evangelicals, mostly Republicans, to 
run for local, state, and federal elective offices. In October 
1986, in the midst of an IRS investigation, the Freedom 
Council was dissolved. 

In spite of his organizational power and recent success, 
Robertson does have a problem with his public acceptability 
and with a possible backlash among old-line Republicans. 
According to a 1986 New York Times/C BS poll, 79 percent of 
the public surveyed had no opinion of Robertson. Nine percent 
had an favorable opinion, and 12 percent an unfavorable one/ 
Whether or not Pat Robertson succeeds in his bid for the 
presidency, organizations like the Freedom Council will have a 
significant impact on American politics. One Freedom Council 
staffer boasted that in a few years in some states a "non- 
Christian” won't be able to be elected dogcatcher. 

Robertson also has his international television network, 
CBN. It is said that televangelists like Robertson are watched, 
they say, by some 40 percent of the viewing public/’ CBN 
currently collects in excess of $200 million a year from its 
financial supporters. The revenue is partly based on a 
hierarchy of "clubs” for CBN contributors. "700 Club" 
members are expected to contribute $20 a month. Other club 
members, like the members of the "founders club", annually 
contribute thousands of dollars to CBN. The $230 million 
Robertson's CBN gathered in 1985, however, according to 
CBN’s public affairs director, comes largely from "sym- 
pathetic corporations," 7 and not from viewers. CBN is the 
fourth largest television network in the U.S. 

CBN's flagship program, the 700 Club, is one of the more 
popular religious shows and reportedly reaches about 4.4 mil- 
lion Americans. 8 Other Robertson projects like Operation 
Blessing and Heads Up are administered through independent 
Pentecostal and charismatic churches around the country. 
Heads Up is a phonics-based literacy program for children. 
Operation Blessing provides material aid through local 
churches to the poor in North America and abroad, supplying 
aid 'to refugees in Honduras and the contras (see cover)/' 

Pat Robertson is attempting to organize a potentially sig- 
nificant voting bloc in the Pentecostal and charismatic church- 
es. The inherent drama of healings, possession, speaking in 
tongues, and prophecy are attractive to a large public. Accord- 
ing to Christianity Today, a 1980 Gallup poll done for it in- 
dicated that some 29 million adult Americans ( 19 percent of the 
adult population of the country) considered themselves char- 
ismatic Christians. 10 Like Pentecostals they pray in tongues 
or "in the Spirit" and lay on hands for healings, financial 
blessings, and prophecy. Pentecostal styles of worship have 
spread widely among both Blacks and whites in north Ameri- 
ca. Charismatic/Pentecostal behaviors like talking in tongues, 
praying for physical healings, and spontaneous prophecies 

5. New York Times, August 5, 19X6. 

6. David Clark and Paul Virts. "Religious Television Audicnee: A New 
Development in Measuring Audience Size." paper presented at the Society for 
the Scientific Study of Religion. Savannah, Georgia. October 25. 1985. The 
paper's authors arc both associated with Robertson's CBN organizations. 
Their data comes from a Nielsen study contracted by CBN. 

7 Sara Diamond. "Preacher Pat for Prez?" Mather Jones. January 19X6. p 

8 . 

8. Clark and Virts. op. eir.. n. 6 

9. Dillon and Anderson, op. eit , n. 3. 

HI. Clark and Virts, op. eit.. n. 6, citing Kenneth S. "The 
Charismatics Among Us." Christianity Today, February 22. 1980. p. 25. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

have spread among Catholics, so-called mainstream Protes- 
tants, and throughout many of the thousands of small in- 
dependent churches. 

Churches, if well organized, can become decisive voting 
blocs during the usual ly light turnout of primary elections 
Many fundamentalist and Pentecostal churches are already 
organized as blocs. Falwell's Moral Majority helped organize 
the fundamentalists, while other groups, like Christian Voice, 
helped organize the Pentecostals and charismatics. 

In 1984 Christian Voice, a political action group made up 
largely of Pentecostal Christians, trained local ministers in the 
mechanics of registering, educating their (locks about the 
“right" political choices, and getting their congregations out to 
the polls on election day. Many churches voted in blocs for 
candidates identified by Christian Voice as "moral.” Christian 
Voice supplied churches with congressional "Report Cards" 
and a "Presidential Biblical Scoreboard" that rated the candi- 
dates. Their rating system was heavily slanted in favor of the 
“pro-family" Republicans who favored increased defense 
spending and an aggressive anti-communist foreign policy. 
The Democratic candidates in 1984 were portrayed in the 
“Presidential Biblical Scoreboard" as pro-abortion "ba- 
by-killers” who favored "kiddie-porn," and were mired in the 
moral relativism of "New Age Globalism." A headline in the 
Christian Voice “Presidential Scoreboard" staled that "Many 
"serial killers are homosexuals." The "Scoreboard" blasted 
the Democrats for favoring bills to protect gays' civil rights. 

J V. 

No, Pat, The CIA is Not 
a Company of Angels 

In 1981. at the 28th Annual World Convention of the 
Full Gospel Businessmen's Fellowship International in 
Philadelphia, keynote speaker Pat Robertson told his 
audience how the Pakistani intelligence service had once 
confiscated film taken by a CBN camera crew on the 
Afghanistan border. Robertson prayed for divine inter- 
vention. That night, he claims, the Lord answered him at 
3:45 AM. He got down on his knees and began to praise 
God, speaking in longues. God had intervened. Rob- 
ertson explained, acting through the CIA: 

[T|hosc folks in Pakistan let every bit of our film ex- 
cept for the little bit they damaged come out of 
Pakistan. I might add that the Lord took care of that. 

And the Ambassador personally, the United States 
Ambassador, sent one of his men to personally walk 
our people through the customs... 

And. you know. God did that too. After we got back to 
this country, it's kind of cute, we learned that some of 
our drivers were working for the United States CIA 

Robertson told his fellow believers that God was 
watching out for them. Angels, like those CIA agents in 
Pakistan, were guarding them all. 

You and 1 are surrounded by a company of angels. 

I've talked about a couple of potential CIA agents 
watching after me over in Pakistan. • 

S — r 

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Pat Robertson in classic pose. 

The Politics of Armageddon 

A Robertson candidacy is likely to mobilize many of the 
Pentecostal and charismatic churches. They will be driven by 
an apocalyptic vision of Christian triumphalism. (See “The 
Theology of Nuclear War” in this issue.) Robertson believes 
that “Christians” will take over state power during the coming 
last days just before the Millennial Kingdom emerges. At the 
same time, Robertson believes, there will be a huge harvest of 
souls and then global catastrophe — the prophecied Soviet in- 
vasion of Israel that many evangelicals see as inevitable. They 
believe the U.S.S.R. will be destroyed by great earthquakes or 
b^ 0.S. nuclear weapons, tools in hands of an angry God." 
Robertson has told audiences that he believes he will see the 
destruction of the Soviet Union in his lifetime. 12 

The History of the “Old Time Religion” 

Despite their political clout, evangelicals in politics have 
been poorly understood by the majority of Americans. After 
the presidency of Jimmy Carter, “born-again” and “con- 
servative evangelicals” fully captured the attention of a puzzled 
national press in 1979 when Jerry Falwell launched the Moral 
Majority and entered the political arena. But the religious 
movement that spawned the winning political coalition which 
swept Reagan into office has a history going back into the 
Nineteenth Century. For a long time evangelicals were 

1 1 ;'Robertson, unlike Jimmy Swaggart and Jerry Falwell. is a post- 
tribulationist. He believes that instead of being raptured, Christians will have 
to go through a seven-year tribulation period before the Millennial Kingdom is 
finally realized. Robertson believes the Kingdom will gradually emerge as 
Christians take high office during the tribulation period and a last huge revival 
sweeps the world. At one point. Robertson believed nuclear war was inevi- 
table. But at different points in his career he has believed variously, that the 
mechanism by which "Magog" (the U.S.S.R.) will be destroyed would be 
nuclear weapons or earthquakes, etc. In his book about his ''Kingdom" 
theology, Robertson left the question of the mechanism ambiguous: ", God. 
who is even in control of the invading horde from the north | the U.S.S.R. |. will 
intervene in Israel's behalf with a great shaking — earthquakes, volcanic activ- 
ity, fire, confusion, and even fighting among the allied invaders." He also 
speaks of fire falling upon Magog, the homeland of the leaders of the force, and 
upon "those who inhabit the coastlands in safety." This could, ol course, be a 
vision of nuclear bombing. Pal Robertson (with Bob Slosscr). The Secret 
Kingdom (Nashville: Thomas Nelson. 1982), p. 214. 

12. Robertson made this remark, for example, in a speech to an audience of 
Full Gospel Businessmen at their 28th annual world convention in Philadel- 
phia in 1981. 

6 CovertAction 

politically dormant, having withdrawn into a ghetto of their 
own making. They became almost invisible to other Ameri- 
cans. 13 


The present political-religious community that forms 
Reagan’s white evangelical voting bloc is made up largely of 
fundamentalists and Pentecostals who are influenced by dis- 
pensationalism, the theology of fundamentalism. Dispensa- 
tionalism was first preached to Americans in the years fol- 
lowing the civil war by an Anglo-Irish sectarian named John 
Nelson Darby. Darby expected the Second Coming of Christ at 
any moment. He believed in a secret Rapture, when Christians 
would be swept up to meet Jesus in the air just before a period 
of terrible tribulation occurred, at the end of which time Jesus 
would return triumphant with his raptured saints to establish 
the Millennial Kingdom. Since the Rapture was ever im- 
minent, dispensationalists tend to be driven by apocalyptic 
expectation. They are futurists, though classic dispensa- 
tionalism insists on a balance between the eager expectation of 
ever imminent Rapture and the sobering realization that the 
Rapture might not occur until far into the future. Darby’s 
theories about the Bible caught on in the United States. 
American dispensationalists began to organize prophecy con- 
ferences. The dispensationalist notes in the popular Scofield 
Reference Bible helped to spread and to legitimize dispensa- 
tionalist interpretations of prophecy. 

Dispensationalism takes its name from the periods, or 
“dispensations,” into which Darby and his followers divided 
Bible and world history. Dispensationalists claim to be literal 
interpreters of the Bible and mark out their systems of cosmic 
history with time-lines. They characteristically make a sharp 
division between Israel and the church, tracing the separate 
cosmic careers of each throughout biblical history. Many 
American dispensationalists saw the establishment of Israel 
in 1 948 14 and the Israeli capture of Jerusalem in 1967 as sure 
signs that they were living in the last generation before the 
Second Coming of Christ. They see Israel, or "the Jew" as 
they sometimes say, as a kind of cosmic clock that shows 
what time it is on their biblical time-line. 

Always looking towards the Second Coming of Christ, dis- 
pensationalists took on the “Great Commission” to preach the 
gospel to all peoples before Jesus returns. I? They became 
aggressive evangelists and pioneered the use of modern 
means of mass communications like radio and television. 
Now there are several international radio and television 
networks broadcasting dispensationalist doctrine around the 

13. For further reading sec E. R. Sandecn, The Roots of Fundamentalism 
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1978). G.M. Mar.sden, 
Fundamentalism and American Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 
1980), and T. P. Weber, Living in the Shadow of the Second Coming (Oxford: 
Oxford University Press, 1979). 

14. Dispensationalists interpret Israel as the fig tree in Matthew 24:32-34: 
“Now leam a parable of the fig tree; When his branch is yet tender, and putteth 
forth leaves, ye know that summer is nigh. So likewise ye. when ye shall see 
all these things, know that it is near, even at the doors. Verily I say unto you. 
This generation shall not pass, till all these things be fulfilled." They interpret 
the establishment of Israel in 1948 as the budding fig tree, and draw the con- 
clusion that the generation that saw 1948 is the last generation. 

15. The "Great Commission" is based on Matthew 24:14: “And this gospel 
of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all nations; 
and then shall the end come.” Many dispensationalists believe that television 
and radio can "literally" fulfill the "Great Commission" by covering the earth 
with electronic preaching. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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Fundamentalists and Pentecostals 

Fundamentalists and Pentecostals. the two large groups of 
dispensationalist believers in the United States, have a con- 
tentious history. Fundamentalists believe that the age of 
miracles, of speaking in tongues, faith-healing, etc., ended 
with’ the apostolic times. The Pentecostals who are "dis- 
pensationalist" in their beliefs about prophecy interpret speak- 
ing in tongues, healings, and "prophesying in the Spirit," as 
signs that these are the last days. Some Pentecostals believe 
they have or are capable of receiving supernatural powers over 
natural processes. It is well publicized that Pat Robertson 

claimed the power to divert a hurricane from his Virginia Beach 
headquarters. I( ’ 

Though Pentecostals borrowed from fundamentalist the- 
ology, the two groups were often bitterly divided. Fundamen- 
talists have sometimes even denounced Pentecostals lor being 
possessed by Satan. Pentecostal inroads into the Catholic 
community since the mid-1960s and the so-called "mainline" 
Protestant denominations have tended to distance Pentecos- 
tals from their more exclusive fundamentalist brethren Dis 
pensationalists. fundamentalist an d Pentecostal alike, have 

16. See Washington Post . August and October IK. IdX.S 

Christian Voice 

Christian Voice is best known for distributing "biblical” 
report cards rating political candidates. In 1984 and 1986 
Christian Voice distributed millions of full-color maga- 
zines, “Candidates Biblical Scoreboard," rating the candi- 
dates in state and national political contests. Their "bibli- 
cal" scorecards were distributed freely in fundamentalist 
and Pentecostal churches throughout the United States. 
During the 1984 campaigns Christian Voice trained local 
ministers through video presentations and seminars in 
techniques for getting out the "right" vote without violating 
the law. 

Colonel Doner (Colonel is his first name, not a military 
rank), one of the executive board members of Christian 
Voice, lectured during the 1984 campaign to ministers ex- 
plaining how they could use their churches to "achieve 
political victory" by starting voter registration drives, 
"educating" their flocks, and making sure they went to the 
polls on election day. Doner suggested to pastors that 
they find out if their flocks are registered to vote by asking 
their congregations to fill out information cards or asking 
them during the service "to raise their hands and be honest 
before God" about their registration status. Doner aimed 
to register 20 million evangelicals. As Doner portrayed the 
1984 election, the issue was "God versus Antichrist." He 
recommended that fundamentalist and Pentecostal churches 
hold several "voter registration Sundays." Pastors would 
distribute copies of a Christian Voice pamphlet entitled 
"Your Five Duties As A Christian Citizen" by Bill Bright, 
and set up voter registration tables in the rear of the church 
for the exiting congregation. Bright's pamphlet lists “elect- 

ing godly people” as an important Christian political duty. 

Doner also counseled pastors to educate their con- 
gregations with the Christian Voice report cards on "key 
moral issues." Christian Voice provided local churches 
individual report cards on local Congress members. He 
urged pastors to organize 30 or 40 members of their con- 
gregation to go out and distribute report curds to other 
churches (as Doner put it "everybody but Christian Sci- 
ence and Unitarians are okay" to go to). Finally pastors 
were trained by Christian Voice to run a voter turnout cam- 
paign. A week before election day pastors distributed more 
report cards. Then pastors tracked their people and organ- 
ized telephone committees to call up parishioners to remind 
them to go out and vote. 

Christian Voice was founded in California in 1976 under 
the name Citizens United and changed its name to Christian 
Voice in 1978. From its beginnings Christian Voice was 
tied to the presidential ambitions of Ronald Reagan. In 1980 

George Otis was the honorary chairman of "Christians for 
Reagan." a Christian Voice political project. Otis had inter- 
viewed Reagan on his High Adventure TV show and 
allowed Christian Voice to use quotations from Reagan s 
interview. Reagan had told Otis that. yes. he had had a 
"bom again" experience. Reagan had met Otis and his 
friend Harald Bredesen in the early 1960s when lie au- 
ditioned to read from the Bible for Otis and Bredesen's tape 

Even now the national advisory board of Christian Voice 
includes W. S. McBirnic. a California radio evangelist, 
who was one of Reagan's advisors in his first campaign for 
political office in 1965. 1 Hal Lindsey and Tim l.aHayc are 
currently on the executive board of Christian Voice. Both 
Lindsey and LaHaye arc dispensationalists who have 
written books about the imminent end of the world. In their 
books they foresee a coming Soviet invasion in the Middle 
East that sparks a terrible nuclear war that leaves the 
U.S.S.R. destroyed. They believe, though, that ''Chris- 
tians" like themselves will be "raptured" before the worst 
occurs — they will simply disappear and be translated to 
heaven to "the marriage feast of the Lamb" during a period 
of nuclear chaos on earth. 

The organization has used some of the most vile anil 
hateful political rhetoric in American politics and has spe- 
cialized in gay-bashing and gay-baiting the Democratic 
Party. Christian Voice sent out promotional letters to 
supporters announcing an "EMERGENCY DISEASE A- 
LERT” warning that AIDS might strike them down through 
an innocent goodnight kiss or from contamination of res- 
taurant food. Christian Voice alluded in its hate literature to 
an enormous cover-up of the "imminent threat of the AIDS 
plague" that was threatening the lives of Americans. 
Among several draconian remedies, Christian Voice urged 
that gays be outlawed from working "in close contact with 
children, in the food service industry, in hospitals and 
clinics." Though legally "non-partisan ' Christian Voice 
has been consistently opposed to Democratic candidates, 
portraying the Democratic Party as the party of "kiddie 
porn” and “secular humanism." 

Besides “report cards" and hate literature. Christian 
Voice has aired television specials, one. "America Betrays 
Her Children" featuring Ronald Reagan. Christian Voice 
has worked closely in cooperation with other new right or- 
ganizations like Tim LaHaye's American Coalition for 
Traditional Values (ACTV). • 

I . See "God is Phasing Out Democracy ." Ill this issue 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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also been divided since Darby’s day over the question of the 
timing of the Rapture. Some think it will occur before the 
"tribulation” period, others in the midst of it, still others do not 
think it will occur until after the "tribulation." These disputes 
have led to schisms in the past. 

Pentecostalism spread among both Blacks and whites 
around the turn of the century and began as a lower-class, bi- 
racial movement characterized more by religious behavior than 
by theology. The fundamentalist movement, however, was a 
reaction of white Protestants against modernist criticism of 
scripture, and an apology for traditional theological positions. 
Fundamentalism was formulated as a reaction to liberal Pro- 
testantism, especially the acceptance of evolution in some in- 
terpretations of the biblical accounts of creation and new his- 
torical studies of the various books of the Bible. Dis- 
pensationalism evolved into the theology of fundamentalism 
during the course of the liberal/fundamentalist conflict around 
the turn of the century that came to a showdown in the mid- 
1970s . 

Fundamentalists first became politically oriented after 
World World I. During the war years Christianity was 
identified with patriotism. After the Red Scare of 1919-21 
fundamentalists became fiercely anti-communist. They saw 
revolution in Russia as another piece to their apocalyptic 
puzzle, and identified Russia with Magog, the invader of 
Israel prophesied by Ezekiel to appear in the latter days. Dis- 
pensationalist politics are still marked by their apocalyptic 
dualism and fierce anti-communism. 17 

After the fundamentalists' Pyrrhic victory at the famous 
“Monkey trial,” where John Scopes was found guilty of teach- 
ing evolution in Tennessee (though later acquitted on appeal), 
the fundamentalist movement lost the battle of public opinion. 
In the late 1920s and during the early 1930s, many fundamen- 
talists withdrew from the “mainstream” of American culture in 
an effort to maintain their religious purity and to construct a 
“godly” subculture of their own. Subjected to ridicule in the 
press by writers like H. L. Mencken and successfully 
stereotyped in Sinclair Lewis's novel Elmer Gantry, funda- 
mentalists were abandoned by moderates and were taken less 
seriously by the wider public. 

( Fundamentalists turned their contentious politics inward 
and their coalition began to split up into competing groups lead 
by religious entrepreneurs and independent operators. Once 
they began to feud among themselves, fundamentalists lost 
the political influence they enjoyed after the Red Scare. 18 

Fundamentalism, sheltered in its evangelical ghetto, began 
to venture into the outside world just as the U.S. was entering 

17. See Dwight Wilson, Armageddon Now! The Premittenuriun Response 
lo Russia and Israel Since 1917 ( Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House. 

18. There are signs now of increasing tensions within the evangelical 
coalition that makes up the new Christian Right. One of the points of conten- 
tion is the Rapture. Jimmy Swaggart recently attacked Pat Robertson's "New 
Kingdom” teaching as similar to "the secular humanist philosophy." univer- 
sally despised by Christian rightists. Post-tribbers like Robertson think of the 
“pre-trib” Rapture as an "escape theory” and preach instead that Christians 
working together can help usher in the Kingdom by taking political power and 
by organizing the last great revival. Swaggart preaches the pre-lrib Rapture as 
doctrine. A recent book by David Hunt called The Seduction of Christianity has 
raised a furor in evangelical circles by accusing famous television evangelists 
like Robertson of dabbling in "New Age Movement" techniques. See The 
Evangelist: The Voice of Jimmy Swaggart Ministries. September 1986. In spite 
of Swaggart's initial misgivings, he has endorsed the presidential aspirations 
of Pat Robertson. See “Swaggart, in Reversal, Backs Robertson’s Bid.” Afew 
York Times , September 10, 1986 

8 CovertAction 

the panic years of the Cold War. In the early 1950s, 
fundamentalist ideas, championed by Billy Graham, enjoyed a 
revival. The idea of the Rapture was a comfort to many 
Americans afraid nuclear war was imminent. The religious 
dualism of dispensationalism appealed to Americans en- 
couraged by their government to see political realities in terms 
of a stark dualism between communism and anti-communism. 
Dispensationalist preachers promised that Christians would 
be raptured before the outbreak of nuclear tribulation. Many of 
them interpreted the invention of the bomb as a possible means 
by which the fiery destruction prophesied in Revelations might 
be “literally” fulfilled. They look forward to a cosmic, show- 
down in the Middle East. Eventually, they believe, the Soviet 
Union will attempt to invade Israel but will be destroyed either 
by U.S. nuclear weapons or by God’s direct intervention. 

The new fundamentalist political coalition that emerged in 
the late 1970s grew out of the resentment conservative 
evangelicals felt over the outcome of the Vietnam war both in 
Vietnam and in the U.S. Eager to see signs of the end of the 
world around them, they interpreted the rash of open dis- 
respect for authority, the drug use and counter-culture, as 
harbingers of the coming Antichrist. So-called “Jesus people" 
carried signs announcing imminent judgment. Dispensa- 
tionalists interpreted the Israeli capture of Jerusalem in 1967 
as the end of the times of the Gentiles. |l> While they were busy 
expectantly reading “the signs of the times." they were also 
growing increasingly resentful and bitter over the consequen- 
ces of the Vietnam war. Those feelings of resentment were 
deeply felt and festered throughout the 1970s. Finally in 1979 
conservative evangelicals found a champion in Ronald Rea- 
gan. Organized by rightwing campaigners like Richard Vi- 
guerie, a new fundamentalist coalition was built. 

By Their Fruits You Will Know Them 

The Christian Right has become a mass movement, 
effectively organized and experienced in government. Their 
ambitions have grown with their growth as a movement. Pat 
Robertson toys with a presidential run while on the grass- 
roots level his political cadre are busily organizing local and 
state takeovers. Now the stakes arc especially high. Presi- 
dent Reagan has extended the arms race into the heavens. The 
weapons build-up threatens to slip out of control as all the 
treaties limiting weapons are abandoned. War in Central 
America seems ever more likely. 

Nuclear weapons do not worry dispensationalists. Many 
believe they will be raptured before a nuclear war breaks out. 
Others, like Robertson, believe they will be especially pro- 
tected by God during the “tribulation." War with the Evil 
Empire, globally or regionally in places like Central America, 
seems logical and even inevitable to their dualist mentality. 
Realpolitik for them can become an acting out of a cosmic battle 
between symbolic entities, the Evil Empire and godly Ameri- 
ca. Religiously inspired wars in the past were very bloody but 
modem weapons promise to make such wars even more ter- 
rible. A wild nuclear arms race, if not nuclear war, and spread- 
ing “low intensity warfare" in Central America and Southern 
Africa may become the bitter fruit of the apocalyptic mentality 
of the Christian Right. • 

19. Their interpretation is based on Luke 21:24: "And they shall fall by the 
edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive into all nations: and Jerusalem 
shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be 
fulfilled. ” 

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The Theology of Nuclear War 

By Larry Kickham 

Dispensationalists think they are living at the very end of 
the “Church Age" which they believe will culminate in the 
Rapture, when the members of the "true" church will be 
removed from the planet. After the seven-year tribulation peri- 
od prophesied in the Bible, dispensationalists expect a one- 
thousand-year reign during which they will rule and reign with 
Jesus, the Millennium Kingdom. 

Like many millenarians. dispensationalists are dualist in 
the way they look at the world and at history. They readily 
adopted a fierce anti-communism during the political scares of 
1919-21 and the early 1950s. An old idea left over from John 
Cumming, a British apocalyptic writer during the Crimean 
war,' that Russia was Magog, the prophesied invader of 
Israel in the last days, spread among dispensationalists after 
the Russian Revolution in 1917. It seemed plausible to them 
that the officially atheist Soviet State could be “Magog,” the 
prophesied invader of Israel in the last days (Ezekiel, chapters 
38-39). “Gog" is the prince of Magog. In their interpretation of 
Ezekiel 38:2-3. "thus saith the Lord Jehovah; Behold, I am 
against thee, O Gog, Prince of Rosh, Meshech. and Tubal, 
they identify "Rosh" as Russia, “Meshech as Moscow and 
“Tubal" as the Soviet province of Tobolsk. Equating the Soviet 
Union with "Magog,” dispensationalists became convinced 
that the Soviet Union was an evil empire that had a special mis- 
sion in the last days. 

Sihce Darby's time dispensationalists have also believed 
that Israel would be restored in the last days. Many dis- 
pensationalist believers interpreted the creation of the State of 
Israel in 1948 as a literal fulfillment of prophecy and an "infal- 
lible" sign that "this" was the last generation before the Second 
Coming of Christ. Believers have long interpreted events, 
especially in the Middle East, as pieces of prophecy coming 
together. The British capture of Jerusalem in World War 1 as 
well as the Israeli capture of old Jerusalem in 1967 were inter- 
preted as signs of the last days. 

Fond of reading the Bible as a key to current events, dis- 
pensationalists also read the invention of nuclear weapons in 
1945 as a means of “literally" fulfilling Bible prophecy. The 
bomb, many thought, might be the device by which the 
elements will melt in the fiery apocalyptic vision of Revela- 
tion. Country and western songs like "Jesus Hits Like An 
Atom Bomb,”" and popular books like Hal Lindsey’s The Late 
Great Planet Earth helped spread the notion that nuclear 
weapons are somehow related to the Second Coming of Christ. 

In 1983 Jerry Fa! well attacked the nuclear freeze movement 
with a "prophecy packet" (two tapes and a pamphlet) entitled 

I . Cumming. a preacher of the Scottish National Church, published two 
apocalyptic books in 1855. Signs of the Times . Or the Present, Post, and 
Future, published in Philadelphia, and The End: The Proximate Signs oj the 
Close of This Dispensation, published in London. Cumming’ s books are cited 
and discussed in Dwight Wilson. Armageddon Non! The Premillvnarian Re- 
sponse to Russia and Israel Since 19 17 (Grand Rapids. Michigan: Baker Book 
House. 1977). 

2. See the discussion in Charles Wolfe. "Nuclear Country: The Atomic 
Bomb in Country Music." The Journal of Country Music . Vol. IV (1978), 
Number 4. pp. 4-22. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

“Nuclear War and the Second Coming ol Christ. As Falwcll 
states in his pamphlet, “the one brings thoughts of fear, de- 
struction, and death while the other brings thoughts ol joy. 
hope, and life. They almost seem inconsistent with one an- 
other. Yet, they are indelibly intertwined." Falwcll. like many 
of his fellow dispensationalists, believes he will be raptured 
before nuclear war breaks out. 


Dispensationalists. however, are not all agreed as to the 
timing of the Rapture. There arc three main positions on the 
question that cut across the greater division between funda- 
mentalists and Penteeostals. Probably the majority, like 
Falwell. a fundamentalist, and Jimmy Swaggart. a Pentecos- 
tal, believe in a Rapture that will take place before the pro- 
phesied seven-year period of tribulation, the popular "pre- 
tribulationist" (“pre-trib") position. Others believe in a "mid- 
trib” Rapture that will rescue Christians from the worst of the 
tribulation, snatching them away before the nuclear "Gog- 
Magog" war which is supposed to occur sometime in the mid- 
dle of the seven-year tribulation period. Others, like Pat 
Robertson, believe in a “post-trib" Rapture: Christians will 
have to go through the entire seven-year period of tribulation 
but will be especially protected by God. and at the end of the 
tribulation the Christians would he raptured to return with 
Jesus at the final battle of Armageddon. Adherents of all three 
positions agree that they, as the triumphant saints, will rule 
and reign with Jesus for a thousand years in the Millennial 
Kingdom they envision emerging in the near future. The nu- 
clear war many of them foresee will not be the end of the world, 
but the prelude to a glorious one-thousand-year kingdom. 

The divisions between pre-trib. mid-trib. and post-trib 
believers can sometimes influence views on matters of public- 
policy and national defense and make for strange bedfellows. 
Mid-and post-tribbers who believe "Christians" will have to 
live through all or part of a seven-year “tribulation" are 
naturally more interested in survival ist skills, food coopera- 
tives, and other forms of mutual aid, popular "end-time" eco- 
nomic theories, and civil defense schemes than are the pre- 
tribbers who think they will magically disappear before the 
prophesied bad times. Post-tribbers like Robertson believe 
that "Christians" should prepare for the tribulation by organiz- 
ing food and other cooperative organizations. Mid- and post 
tribbers share an interest in survivalism with racist "Identity" 
believers, the devotees of a rival theory of biblical prophecy 
who are training in paramilitary tactics, preparing for the racial 
"purging" they foresee after the inevitable nuclear war. 
Rightwing groups of rival persuasions can find a common 
bond in anticommunism and even work together on counter- 
insurgency projects. Paramilitary groups like Civilian Mate- 
riel Assistance (formerly Civilian Military Assistance) and 
those associated with Soldier of Fortune magazine, along with 
Robertson's CBN, support the contras in Honduras and have 
supplied aid to refugee groups on the Honduran border 

There has been friction between the various dispensation- 
alist factions. Mid- and post-tribbers like Mary Relfe and Gary 

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Jimmy Swaggart and Augusto Pinochet praise one 

North have denounced the pre-trib theory as "defeatist." The 
post-trib theory, long considered pessimistic by old-line pre- 
-tribbers, has won new followers. The upbeat "Kingdom 
Agers” believe that they will be especially protected by God 
during the “tribulation," The “Kingdom Age" theology Rob- 
ertson presents in his book. The Secret Kingdom, emphasizes 
the gradual emergence of the Millennial Kingdom and a new 
theocratic world order. Robertson seems to believe that a 
Christian takeover of the American government may be part of 
that process and that Christians like Robertson will learn the 
skills they will need to manage the Kingdom "on the job” in 
positions of national responsibility. 

One point all the tribbers can agree on is the need for a 
“strong defense" — even a first-strike capability. Most dis- 
pensationalists in the government probably do not take the 
debate between the "theologians" very seriously. All agree 
that these are the last days. And. for the most part, they agree 
to disagree. Most hope for a pre-trib Rapture, but many see the 
mid- and post-trib position as more "realistic." Theyleave the 
fine points of the dispute to the theologians. 

What Does President Reagan Believe? 

President Reagan has displayed a long-time interest, even a 
fascination, with biblical prophecies of the last days.-’ Reagan 
believes that “this may be the last generation” before a nuclear 
war destroys the Soviet Union (the so-called Gog and Magog 
war) and before the Second Coming of Christ. Reagan, like 
many of his religious supporters, seems to be a dispensa- 
tionalist. For Reagan, as for many other dispensationalists. 
the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 was a 
fulfillment of prophecy and a sign that Armageddon is not far 
off. Evidence of Reagan’s interest in dispensationalist proph- 
ecy first appeared in print in 1968. Reagan told a reporter from 
a Christian magazine about a conversation he had had with his 
pastor Donn Moomaw about the “signs of the times." Reagan 

We (the President and Billy Graham] got into a conversation 

about how many of the prophecies concerning the Second 

■ 3. See Lawrence Jones, "Reagan's Religion." Journal of American 
C uliure, Vol. 8 ( 1985), pp. 59-70, for a summary ot the evidence concerning 
Reagan's apocalyptic beliefs. 

10 CovertAction 

Coming seemed to be having their fulfillment at this particu- 
lar time, Graham told me how world leaders who are 
students of the Bible and others who have studied it have 
come to this same conclusion — that apparently never in 
history have so many of the prophecies come true in such a 
relatively short time. 

After the conversation I asked Donn to send me more mate- 
rial on prophecy so I could check them out in the Bible for 
myself. You know I was raised on the Bible. I also taught it 
for a long time in Sunday School. 4 

Reagan again referred to biblical prophecy in a radio program 
entitled “Palestine.” broadcast during the weeks of April 9-27. 
1979. He mentioned prophecy only in passing, saying: 

4. W. Rose. '‘The Reagans and their Pastor. *' Christian Life, May 1968. 
Reagan taught Sunday School at the First Christian Church ot Dixon. Illinois 
while he was in high school. 

Some Definitions 

An “evangelical” actively seeks to proselytize and 
convert others to his or her brand of Christianity, which 
may or may not be fundamentalist or Pentecostal. 

“Fundamentalism'’ refers to a literal interpretation of 
the Bible and the application of that interpretation to all 
mundane matters. Fundamentalists can belong to a vari- 
ety of denominations, including those originating in the 
“Pentecostal-Holincss” sects of the nineteenth century. 

The word "Pentecostal” comes from the Greek name 
for a harvest celebration following the gathering of the 
wheat crop. It was one of the most joyous holidays on 
the ancient Jewish calendar. In the New Testament book 
of Acts. Chapter 2, the “Day of Pentecost" was when the 
disciples of Jesus received the "gifts of the Holy Spirit" 
as a promise that Christ would return to earth. 

Modern-day Pentecostals. in contrast to Baptist 
fundamentalists, believe that these "gifts” — the ability 
to prophesy, perform healing miracles, and speak in 
tongues — were intended for all Christians, not just for 
those living during Christ's time on earth. The "gifts" 
are also known as "charismata;" hence the term "char- 
ismatic” is interchangeable with the terms "spirit-filled" 
and “neo-Pentecostal,” used to describe post-World 
War II Pentecostals. 

The practice of "speaking in tongues.” also known us 
glossolalia, is the most distinguishing feature of Pen- 
tecostalism. In a state of fervent prayer, believers utter 
strings of unintelligible syllables considered by char- 
ismatics to have a deep spiritual significance. (Psy- 
chologists and sociologists have described glossolalia 
as a learned, cross-cultural psycholinguistic behavior to 
which religious meaning is attached.) 

Just as the word "Pentecostal" is derived from the 
metaphor of the harvest, so is the term "Latter Rain." 
The pre-Christian Israelites prayed for a "former rain" to 
make their seeds germinate and a "latter rain" to make 
their crops mature just before harvest time. Pentecostals 
believe that in these "lust days" before Christ’s Second 
Coming, God is symbolically pouring out this "latter 
rain” in the form of miracles as a call for “His People" to 
intensify their evangelistic efforts. • 

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When Israel was created as a nation (carrying out a 
centuries old Bible prophecy) its borders enclosed less than 
20 percent of the area called Palestine. 

Reagan also spoke about dispensationalist prophecies of 
Armageddon with Jerry Falwell during the 1980 presidential 
campaign. According to Falwell, they discussed prophecy 
during a limousine ride in New Orleans: 

He told me, back in New Orleans — we were riding together, 
just the two of us, security officer up front, of course, with 
the driver — we were riding and he said, “Jerry, I sometimes 
believe we're heading very fast for Armageddon right now." 
But he said, "I am not a fatalist. I believe in human respon- 
sibility. I believe that God will respect us for making all-out 
efforts toward world peace, and that is where my com- 
mitment lies.” 

That’s where my commitment lies, too. The President is a 
man of great faith. He’s a man who knows what the Bible 
has to say. That is why I trust him so implicitly. 5 

Reagan brought up the subject of biblical prophecy ot the 
end of the world again at a meeting with the Antiochian 
Orthodox Metropolitan Philip in the White House on April 7, 
1983. According to the report of the meeting, “The President 
alluded to the Bible and the prophecies of Armageddon. He 
mentioned the natural disasters that the entire world was suf- 
fering and has suffered of late, and felt all these happenings 
were warnings that should be heeded tor the avoidance of that 
doom." 6 

Reagan is not the only one in his administration who sees 
current events in terms of end-time prophecies. Secretary of 
Defense Weinberger has also been quoted on the subject: 

I have read the Book of Revelation and, yes, I believe the 
world is going to end — by an act of God, I hope — but every 
day I think that time is running out. 

Q: Are you scared? 

Weinberger: I worry that we will not have enough time to get 
strong enough to prevent nuclear war. 1 think ot World War 

II and how long it took to prepare for it. to convince people 
that rearmament for war was needed. I fear we will not be 
ready. I think time is running out. ..but I have faith. 7 

Senator Howell Heflin, Democrat from Alabama, reported a 
conversation with Reagan about the end-times and an Arma- 
geddon that involves the Soviet Union. 

We got off into the Bible a little bit. We were talking about 
the fact that the Middle East, according to the Bible, would 
be the place where Armageddon would start. The President 
was talking to me about the Scriptures and I was talking a 
little to him about the Scriptures. He interprets the Bible and 
Armageddon to mean that Russia is going to get involved in 

5. From an interview Falwell had with Robert Seheer, Los Angeles Times. 
March 4. 1981 

6, From The Word. Antiochian Orthodox Christian Diocese of North 
America, June 1983. 

7 "Washington Talk." New York Times. August 23. 1982. 

8. New York Times. October 28. 1981 . 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Only days before American Marines were killed in a bomb- 
ing attack on their Beirut barracks Reagan told Tom Dine, ex- 
ecutive director of the American-lsrae! Public Affairs Com 
mittee (A1PAC). that he saw the world situation in terms of 
end-time prophecies: 

You know, 1 turn back to your ancient prophets in the Old 
Testament and the signs foretelling Armageddon, and I find 
myself wondering if — if we re the generation that's going to 
see that come about. I don’t know if you've noted any of 
those prophecies lately, but believe me. they certainly de- 
scribe the times we're going through. ’’ 

Reagan’s comments to Dine later inspired two reporters from 
People magazine to ask the President to explain his remarks: 

I’ve never done that publicly [talked about Armageddon, 
etc.]. 1 have talked here, and then I wrote people, because 
some theologians quite some time ago were telling me, call- 
ing attention to the fact that theologians have been studying 
the ancient prophecies — what would portend the coming ol 
Armageddon? — and have said that never, in the time 
between the prophecies up until now has there ever been a 
time in which so many of the prophecies are coming 
together. There have been times in the past when people 
thought the end of the world was coming, and so forth, but 
never anything like this. 

And one of them, the first one who ever broached this to 
me — and I won’t use his name." 1 1 don't have permission 
to. He probably would give it. but I'm not going to ask — had 
held a meeting with the then head of the German government . 
years ago when the war was over, and did not know that his 
hobby was theology. And he asked this theologian what did 
he think was the next great news event, worldwide. And the 
theologian, very wisely, said. “Well. I think that you’re 
asking that question in a case that you've had a thought 
along that line.” And he did. It was about the prophecies and 
so forth. 

So no. I’ve talked conversationally about that. 

Q: You've mused on it. You’ve considered it. 

THE PRESIDENT: (laughing) Not to the extent of throwing 
up my hands and saying, “Well, it’s all over." No. I think 
whichever generation and at whatever time, when the time 
comes, the generation that is there. I think will have it goon 
doing what they believe is right. 

Q: Even if it comes? 


The prophecy issue surfaced during the 1986 campaign 
debates when one of the reporters on the debate panel asked 
Reagan to explain his statements about "nuclear Armaged- 

9. Jerusalem Post , October 28. 1983. Reagan hail this telephone conversa 
tion with Dine on October 18. 1983. 

10. The theologian Reagan here alludes to is Bills Graham and the German 
leader is Konrad Adenauer. Reagan told the same story to the Boones. Otis. 
Bredescn, and filling wood during their conversation in 1970 about prophec\ 
and the soon Second Coming of Christ. See Jones, op. cit .. n 3. 

1 1 . An interview with Garry Clifford and Patricia Ryan ot ' 'People maga/me 
on December 6. 1983. Transcript published in Weekly Compilation of Pre.\t 
dential Documents. pp. 1708-1713. An edited version ol the intemew 
appeared in People . December 26. 1983 See Jones, op. <■//., n. 3, 

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Q: Mr. President, I’d like to pick up this Armageddon 
theme. You've been quoted as saying that you believe deep 
down that we are heading for some kind of biblical 
Armageddon. Your Pentagon and your Secretary of Defense 
have plans for the United States to fight and prevail in a nu- 

clear war. Do you feel that we are heading, perhaps, for 
some kind of nuclear Armageddon? And do you feel that this 
country and the world could survive that kind of calamity? 
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Kalb, I think what has been hailed 
as something I’m supposedly, as President, discussing as 

Campus Crusade for Christ 

Campus Crusade for Christ, now a world-wide organi- 
zation with revenues over $100 million, began in 1951 in 
Los Angeles on the U.C.L.A. campus. Founded by Bill 
Bright, a dapper “fancy foods" businessman turned evan- 
gelist, Campus Crusade grew up out of a circle of young 
men who gathered around the dynamic Henrietta Mears of 
Hollywood Presbyterian Church. Known as "Teacher” by 
several generations of new leaders in the evangelical 
movement, Mears had a powerful influence on Bright and 
on Billy Graham. 

Inspired by Mears and based at her palatial home in Bel 
Air near the college campus. Campus Crusade was 
launched among the fraternities and sororities and the 
athletes of U.C.L.A. An early convert was all-American 
linebacker Donn Moomaw, who later became Reagan’s 

Mears, whose Sunday school numbered 6,000 mem- 
bers, launched a revival in 1947 among her "college de- 
partment” at the Hollywood Presbyterian Church. It was 
one of many revivals which took place among American 
evangelicals during the early years of the Cold War. 1 
Mears had travelled around the post-war world and told her 
students that "there must be a Christian answer to the 
growing menace of communism” and called for total com- 
mitment from a new generation of evangelicals who would 
become "expendables for Christ” 2 3 in the struggle against 
communism. Mears, a dispensationalist. was also con- 
vinced the end of the world was near. A small group of 
young men, including Bill Bright and Louis H. Evans. Jr., 
now pastor of the Presbyterian National Cathedral in Wash- 
ington, met in Mears’s cabin to pray, weep, and cry out to 
the Lord. According to the accounts, God answered their 
prayer with a vision: The college campuses were the key to 
world leadership and world revival . 2 A notice the little group 
put up announced the last days, when "saith God, I will 
pour out my Spirit upon all flesh." 

fn 1949 Mears helped launch Billy Graham's career. She 
saw to it that some 5,000 of the 7,000 strong Hollywood 
Presbyterian Church turned out to attend Graham's Los 
Angeles crusade. Mears also organized a telephone cam- 
paign with her student helpers to call everyone listed in the 
L.A. telephone directory and invite them to the Graham 
crusade. Only after Mears’s efforts did William Randolph 
Hearst send the famous telegram to his newspaper 
reporters: "Puff Graham.” 

1 . For an account of this one must go to a master’s thesis by Richard M. 
Riss. The Latter Rain Movement ot 1948 and the Mid-Twentieth Century 
Evangelical Awakening." Regent College, Vancouver. B.C.. 1979. 

2. E M Baldwin & D. V. Benson, Henrietta Mears and How She Did 
It! (Glendale. California: Gospel Light Publications. 19661. p.23l 

3. Ibid., pp. 232-3. 

Although Mears was partly motivated by her dread of 
communism, she self-consciously took over communist 
methods of organization — “the cell — a small group of com- 
mitted individuals working for the conversion of one other 
person.” Mears was a consummate organizer, as she ex- 
plained, “We have in our department a system of triangles: 
Two Christian students write their names on two sides of a 
triangle. On the third side they write the name of a non- 
Christian friend, for whom they pray. As they witness to 
that friend and he accepts Christ, they bring him into the 
triangle,” etc. The system Mears organized was self- 
generating. Each new convert became a member of a new 
cell which began work on another "non-Christian friend.” 
Bright’s Campus Crusade has continued the Mears tech- 
niques and refined them. 

Campus Crusade targeted the U.C. -Berkeley campus for 
saturation evangelism in 1967 in an effort to break up the 
anti-war movement there. From Berkeley. Campus Cru- 
saders went on to hold “alternate" rallies in competition 
with anti-war protests at other campuses. Bright first met 
Ronald Reagan during the Vietnam war years when he was 
governor of California. Reagan at the time called for a 
“bloodbath” against anti-war protesters. Reagan and Bright 
became personal friends. Bright had known Reagan's 
deeply religious mother Nell when he was a member of 
Henrietta Mears's group in the late 1940s and early 1950s. 
It was Bright who asked Reagan to declare 1983 "The Year 
of the Bible.” 

Bill Bright, like his teacher Mears. is a dispensational- 
ist who believes that "this" may be the last generation 
before the Second Coming of Christ. Bright's Campus 
Crusade is committed to do no less than "fulfill the great 
Commission in our generation" — that is. to evangelize the 
world in one “last” generation. Hal Lindsey, who reads 
nuclear war into the book of Revelation, ^ started out work- 
ing for Campus Crusade at Berkeley /Campus Crusade has 
always had a quasi-political cast, as its name suggests, 
and has always been motivated by a fierce anti-commun- 
ism. Though the organization claims to be interdenomina- 
tional, dispensationalism is the basic ideology of Campus 
Crusade. The global dualism which sees nothing at play in 
world politics except the United States and a Communist 
monolith fit easily into the apocalyptic dualism of dis- 
pensationalism and is a key element of Campus Crusade 

Today, Campus Crusade is international, having oper- 
ations in 149 countries, but still is strongest on United 
States college campuses with more than 700 campuses 
involved and is expanding its outreach into high schools. 
Campus Crusade includes a military ministry, an aggres- 
sive high-school ministry, and many other projects here 
and abroad. 

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principle is the result of just some philosophical dis- 
cussions with people who are interested in the same things. 
And that is the prophecies down through the years, the 
biblical prophecies of what would portend the coming of 
Armageddon and so forth. And the fact is that a number of 

Southern California for Jesus participants Pat 
Robertson, John Gimenez, Bill Bright, and Demos 

From its beginning Campus Crusade has targeted 
leaders and has now expanded its pursuit of leaders far 
beyond the college campuses into Washington. D.C. and 
the United Nations through "Christian Embassies." 
Campus Crusade's Christian Embassy in Washington has 
organized Bible studies in the Pentagon, including one for 
generals and admirals, as well as Bible studies, meetings, 
dinners, and conferences for administration appointees, 
•retreats for government and military leaders, and Bible study 
groups for Senators and Members of Congress. Staffers of 
Christian Embassy also hold weekly Bible study for the 
wives of cabinet members. 

Nelson Bunker Hunt has been a firm backer of the 
organization. 4 Hunt serves on a Campus Crusade ex- 
ecutive committee along with Roy Rogers, the millionaire 
cowboy actor and restaurateur, and Wallace Johnson, co- 
founder of Holiday Inns. Hunt's committee raised enor- 
mous sums for Campus Crusade campaigns, training 
centers,, and religious broadcasting. One of Hunt's sons 
underwrote the Campus Crusade movie "Jesus," which 
Campus, Crusade often broadcasts in villages in Central 

Campus Crusade is heavily invested in ministries in 
Central America. Africa, and Southeast Asia, on the 
frbnt-lines of American global interests. In the 1980s 
Campus Crusade began producing and broadcasting a num- 
ber of radio and television programs in Central and South 
America. In Honduras, Campus Crusade has had an out- 
reach to the Miskito Indians on the Atlantic coast since 
1981. Campus Crusade has a training school for evangel- 
ists in Cuernavaca, Mexico and smaller training centers 
including one in Guatemala. The organization's campus 
ministries are aggressively anti-communist and political in 
tone. Sometimes Campus Crusaders launch "blitz cam- 

4. "He Knows a Good Investment." Worldwide , May I981J. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

theologians for the last decade or more have believed that 
this was true, that the prophecies are coming together that 
portend that. But no one knows whether Armaged- 
don — those prophecies — mean that Armageddon is a 
thousand years away or the day after tomorrow So I have 


paigns," putting up posters overnight and invading class- 
rooms with evangelistic talks the next morning. ■' 

Jimmy Hassan was the national director of Campus 
Crusade in Nicaragua from 1982 until 1985. In November 
1985 he was interrogated by Sandinista officials who sus- 
pected him of working with the C.I.A. In particular, he was 
accused of participating in a campaign to induce resistance 
to Nicaragua’s draft laws, of operating an illegal press, and 
of entering the country with large, undeclared sums of 
money. Hassan was detained for four hours, and. follow- 
ing his release, tied to the United States, denying all the 
charges. 6 Since then he has toured the United States 
speaking to American evangelicals about religious repres- 
sion in Nicaragua, serving as a showpiece for U S. 
evangelicals seeking to prove that Nicaragua is a "totalitar- 
ian dungeon." Hassan has delivered his testimony on Pat 
Robertson's "700 Club." at a joint Institute lor Religion and 
Democracy-National Association of Evangelicals press 
conference in Washington D C. February 3. 1986. and at 
the annual convention of the Coalition on Revival. July 3. 

Hassan's press agent and translator is Jose Gonzalez 
Souza, described by the IRD as a "Uruguayan labor 
organizer." Gonzalez runs his own nominal organization. 
Semilla (the Spanish word for seed) based in the Chesa- 
peake, Virginia, office of Pat Robertson's National Per- 
spectives Institute. Gonzalez, a former graduate student at 
CBN University, says CBN has given him a small start-up 
grant and free office space to "train and organize" Christian 
leaders throughout the hemisphere. 

Campus Crusade's corporate task is to fulfill the "Great 
Commission” (Matthew 28:18-20) — to evangelize the 
world in this, "the last" generation. The organization has 
ambition plans for the year 2000. In 1984 Campus Crusade 
announced a new project. Movement 2000. By 2000. 
Campus Crusade is planning to expand to every one of the 
3,200 college campuses, on all 200 U S. military bases, at 
3,900 high schools, in 50 inner city projects, in all 44 fed- 
eral prisons, in 250 major cities, "and more." In 1985 
Campus Crusade began experimenting with satellite video 
“conferences." The event. Explo 85, linked up audiences in 
54 countries. During the four day event Bright traveled to 
South Korea, the Philippines, West Berlin, and Mexico 
City to deliver keynote addresses. Campus Crusade is 
planning an even larger satellite conference in 1990. 
Campus Crusade, like other dispensationalist organiza- 
tions, will work ever more feverishly as the year 2000 
approaches because they believe the end is near. Bright 
dreams of 5 million, then 50 million disciplined recruits 
working under his direction to bring in the "lust harvest." * 

5. "1981 Annual Report: The l.atin American Ministry Campus 
Crusade for Christ.” 

6. See FJ Nuevo Didrio , November 24. 1485. 

7. “Helping Reach the World for Christ.” the 1484 annual report of 
Campus Crusade for Christ. Inc. 

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President Reagan ponders the world situation. 

never seriously warned and said we must plan according to 
Armageddon. 12 

Reagan's remark that the prophecied events might not 
happen “the day after tomorrow" or until long into the future is 
characteristic of dispensationalism. Billy Graham has said 
essentially the same thing in a copy of his magazine Decision. 
There he wrote, “It seems like all the signs are pointing to 
Armageddon. The storm clouds are gathering, the lightning 
is flashing, the thunder is roaring. The great Armageddon 
could be now or a hundred years from now. We don't know." 
Falwell, too, is of the same opinion, as he says in his tape 
Nuclear War and the Second Coming of Christ, “I am living as 
though Jesus were coming today. But I am planning and labor- 
ing and working as though 1 had another 25 or 50 years. I think 
that is the proper posture for a believer.” 12 

Reagan’s interest in end-time prophecies, as is clear from 
his own remarks, goes back at least to 1968. when he dis- 
cussed it with his pastor Donn Moomaw. Like Henrietta 
Mears and Billy Graham in the 1950s, Reagan w'as disposed 
to see Communism in religious terms. He also apparently 
shared the dispensationalist beliefs about God’s plan of un- 
folding prophecy in the Middle East. In 1971 when Reagan was 
still Governor of California he talked more about the end of the 
world with the president pro tern of the California State Senate, 
James Mills. Mills wrote up his notes and recollections of that 
conversation in 1985. According to Mills, Reagan excitedly 
told him that: 

It can't be long now. Ezekiel says that fire and brimstone 
will be rained upon the enemies of God's people. That must 
mean that they’ll be destroyed by nuclear weapons. They 
exist now, and they never did in the past. 14 

According to Mills, Reagan went on to identify “the enemies 
of God,” the prophecied invader of Israel. "Gog,” with the 
Soviet Union: 

12. From the debate held on October 21, 1984, transcript published in the 
New York Times, October 22, 1984. 

13. From Decision , April 1983. See Jones, op. cil.. n. 3. at nole 68. 

14. James Mills. "The Serious Implications of a 1971 Conversation with 
Ronald Reagan.” San Diego Magazine, August 1985. 

14 CovertAction 

Ezekiel tells us that Gog |.s7r|, the nation that will lead all of 
the powers of darkness against Israel, will come out of the 
north. Biblical scholars have been saying for generations 
that Gog must be Russia. What other powerful nation is to 
the north of Israel? None. But it didn't seem to make sense 
before the Russian revolution, when Russia was a Chris- 
tian country. Now it does, now that Russia has become 
communistic and atheistic, now that Russia has set itself 
against God. 

Now it fits the description of Gog perfectly . 1 ' 


In 1985, looking back on that conversation with Reagan, 
Mills concluded that his “coolness to all proposals for nuclear 
disarmament” are consistent with his apocalyptic views. 
Certainly the arms race speeded up significantly under Reagan 
and has threatened to run away out of control as the U.S. 
begins to deploy a first-strike arsenal. The D-5 or Trident II 
missiles to be deployed in 1989 are accurate enough to destroy 
hard targets 16 and, like the MX (the so-called Peacekeeper), 
these missiles can be used in a first strike against hardened 
enemy missile silos. “Starwars” is not likely to work well as a 
shield from a theoretical Soviet first-strike but may be ade- 
quate to partially shield American targets from a Soviet second 

Reagan has refused to agree to a nuclear test ban. No arms 
control proposals were agreed to under the Reagan administra- 
tion and the nuclear arms race has spread to space. 

With first-strike arsenals in place, the balance of terror will 
become unstable. Some American analysts fear that the Soviet 
Union will adopt a launch-on-warning strategy and begin to 
deploy its own versions of the “Peacekeeper” and Trident II 
missiles. If both arsenals are set at launch on warning the two 
war machines will be on a hair-trigger. 

Apocalyptic ideas might be the wild-card in the nuclear 
poker game. An American President who believes that nuclear 
war with the Soviet Union is inevitable because of biblical 
prophecy might make building a first-strike arsenal the chief 
national priority. A severe crisis in the Middle East could be 
interpreted by a dispensationalist President as the beginning of 
the prophesied Gog and Magog war. 

Reagan seems to see contemporary world events, es- 
pecially those in the Middle East, through the lens of popular 
dispensationalism. He has read Hal Lindsey’s apocalyptic- 
best-seller The Late Great Planet Earth.' 1 Another Arab- 
Israeli war could appear to a true believer as the opening salvos 
of the Gog and Magog war. If Reagan is a true believer he might 
respond to such a tense situation by launching a first strike 
against the Soviet Union, especially if the Israelis seemed to 
be in danger of suffering defeat on the battlefield. Would Pres- 
ident Pat Robertson hear a voice telling him to act as the tool of 
God’s destruction and rain nuclear fire down on “Magog”? It 
wouldn’t be the first time that apocalyptic ideas led to war but it 
could well be the last. • 

15. Ibid. Reagan means Magog, the empire, rather than Gog, the prince, 
although dispensationalist writings often use the terms interchangeably . 

16. “Trident Subs, Silent, Elusive and Deadly. Change Nuclear Game." 
Wall Street Journal. July 28. 1986. 

17. According to Herb Ellingwood. who said he gave Reagan a copy of 
Lindsey's book, among other material: from an interview with Ellingwood. 
June 15, 1978, quoted in part in the radio documentary "Ronald Reagan and the 
Prophecy of Armageddon." See Jones, op. cil.. n. 3. 

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The Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International (FGBMFI) 

The Clifton meeting included Oral Roberts, who spoke 
for 20 minutes and closed with a prayer: "Lord Jesus, let 

The seed money for several of the television evangelists 
including Pal Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network 
(CBN). Jim Bakker's Praise The Lord (PTL). and Paul 
Crouch's Trinity Broadcasting Network (TBN). has come 
from members of the Full Gospel Business Men s Fel- 
lowship International (FGBMFI), a Pentecostal organiza- 
tion of business and military men. The FGBMFI began in 
1952 with a small group of businessmen who met for 
breakfast at Clifton’s Cafeteria in downtown Los Angeles. 
It was organized and initially funded by Demos Shakarian. a 
prominent southern California dairyman whose father had 
emigrated from Armenia to southern California in 1905. 
Shakarian was motivated by a vision of world-wide revival 
which he thought would herald the imminent return of Jesus 

I. Quoied in Charisma. June 1486. pp 32. 24 





SATURDAY JULY 12, 1986 at 0800 



this fellowship grow in Your strength alone. Send it march- 
ing across the world. We give You thanks right now that we 
see a thousand chapters." 1 Since that day in 1952 the 
FGBMFI has organized some 600.000 men worldwide into 
local chapters in 92 countries. Full Gospel includes a num- 
ber of right-wing activists like Joseph Coots, who is a 
trustee of the Heritage Foundation and a member of CBN 
University board of regents. 

Full Gospel businessmen are enthusiastic worshipers, 
pray in tongues, and practice faith-healing. The organiza- 
tion is non-denominational and includes Catholic eharis 
matics, who also pray in tongues, as well as Protestant 
Pentecostal groups, and Protestant charismatics who are 
members of historical Protestant churches. Besides their 
common focus on Jesus and the "baptism of the Holy 
Spirit" — when believers are said to be filled w ith the Holy 
Spirit and begin to speak in tongues — Full Gospel busi- 
nessmen also generally agree that they now are living in the 
last days. Many are dispensationalists. They believe that 
the FGBMFI has been called to help organize the final harv- 
est, the prelude to the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. 

The fellowship defines "businessmen" loosely and in- 
cludes a large number of military men as well as business- 
men, tradesmen, and their families. Besides the regular 
local chapter meetings. FGBMFI holds regional conven- 
tions, annual world conventions, and publishes books, 
pamphlets and an international magazine. The Four. 
FGBMFI also airs "Good News!" programs over Christian 
networks like Jim Bakker's PTL. network and the Califor- 
nia-based TBN. and over independent radio and television 

The FGBMFI men meet regularly to share their personal 
"testimonies." and explaining how they "came to know 
Jesus” and how they received "the Baptism in the Holy 
Spirit." FGBMFI chapters meet for prayer breakfasts and 
banquets where speakers give their testimonies, the group 
prays in tongues and praises Jesus. In some parts of the 
country, particularly in the sunbelt states, some FGBMFI 
chapters are made up largely of the men who manage the 
military-industrial complex. 

President Reagan has close ties with the FGBMFI. 
There have been a number of FGBMFI members in the 
Reagan Administration. Among them are James Watt, 
former Secretary of the Interior, and Herbert Lllingwood, 
formerly the head of the federal Merit Systems Protection 
Board, and an assistant to the Attorney General, now 
working full time for Pat Robertson's presidential cam- 
paign. Ten years before Reagan was elected President. 
Ellingwood, along with four other Full Gospel activists, 
prayed with him, then Governor of California, and wit- 
nessed a dramatic prophecy that Reagan would become 

> I i 

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President (“reside in 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue”) if he 
continued to walk in God’s way. According to reports of 
people close to Reagan, the President took that prophecy 
and its subsequent fulfillment very seriously. 

The prophecy took place on September 20, 1970 in 
Reagan’s Sacramento home. George Otis,- a FGBMF1 
leader and frequent speaker at Full Gospel events, and a 
former Lear executive, (he worked on the climate control 
systems for the Minute Man missiles at Vandenberg Air 
Force base), and later head of his own aero-space contract- 
ing business, pronounced the prophecy after he became 
“filled with the Spirit.” Reagan’s friends Pat and Shirley 
Boone, both active in FGBMFI, had flown to Sacramento 
from a FGBMFI convention in Palm Springs. The Boones 
introduced Reagan to their Full Gospel friends George Otis 
and Harald Bredesen. 

Bredesen had been a long-time activist in the so-called 
charismatic movement, the spread of Pentecostal practices 
into non-Pentecostal churches. He had a long association 
with FGBMFI, and has been a frequent speaker at Full 
Gospel meetings. A student pastor under Bredesen in the 
early 1960s, Pat Robertson, was later to establish the 
Christian Broadcasting Network by canvassing on the air 
and by raising seed money among sympathetic Full Gospel 
businessmen. Bredesen has been a member of the board of 
directors of Robertson’s CBN since its beginning in 1962. 
Bredesen introduced Robertson at his September 1986 
televised rally when the televangelist unofficially kicked off 
his campaign for President. 

Reagan, the Boones, Otis, and Bredesen spent that Sep- 
tember afternoon in 1970 talking about biblical prophecy of 
the last days and the Second Coming of Christ. After their 
talk they formed a circle, held hands, and began to pray. 
Otis was suddenly overcome "with the Spirit and began to 
speak in the voice of God, addressing Reagan as "My 
son," and after comparing him with a king, Otis told him he 
would "reside at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue" if Reagan 
continued to “walk in My ways.” 

Otis, like many Full Gospel businessmen, is fascinated 
with prophecy and the Second Coming of Christ. He is sure 
that we are living in the last days. Otis now operates a 
short-wave radio ministry called High Adventure with the 
four “Voice of Hope" stations in Israeli-occupied Lebanon 
(“broadcasting from the Armageddon bowl”), and another 
in southern California, broadcasting in Spanish to the 
western hemisphere. As a High Adventure brochure put it: 
“Super Powered Christian Radio Station Can Push the 
Communists From Our Back Door!” Otis also built Middle 
East Television but gave his TV station in the “Armaged- 
don bowl” to Pat Robertson’s CBN. Both Middle East 

2. Otis has written a number of books that document his career. His 

religious autobiography. High Adventure (Van Nuys. California: Bible 

Voice Books, 1971), describes the meeting with Reagan. Otis wrote an- 

other book entitled Voice of Hope (Van Nuys. California: High Adventure 

Ministries, 1983) which describes his radio stations in occupied Lebanon 
and his close relationships with Phalange leaders like Sa'ad Haddad. Otis 

has also written extensively about the dispensationalist scenario for the 
end of the world which he believes will be touched off by a war in the Mid- 
dle East. For his views on the end of the world see his books The Ghost of 
Hagar (Van Nuys. California: Time-Light Books. 1974) and Millennium 
Man (Van Nuys, California: Bible Voice, Inc.. 1974). And sec CAIB. 
Number 18 (Winter 1983), pp. 64-65. 

16 CovertAction 

Television and Otis’s Voice of Hope radio stations have 
been targets of bombing attacks. Otis worked closely in 
Lebanon with phalangist leader Major Sa'ad Haddad, his 
successor General Antoine Lahad, and the Israeli military 
authorities. Otis, like many American dispensationalists, 
believes that a Soviet invasion of Israel is imminent. He 
thinks the next Arab-Israeli war could touch off a nuclear 
showdown between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. culminating in 
the so-called Gog-Magog war prophesied in Ezekiel and 
imagined by Otis and other dispensationalists as a super- 
power nuclear war. 

Many members of the FGBMFI hold responsible 
positions in military industries and in the nuclear chain ot 
command. Some like Sanford McDonnell. 1 chairman of the 
board of McDonnell Douglas Corporation, help control the 
high-tech military industries that build the strategic arsenal 
of the U.S. The FGBMFI has several military chapters and 
holds regular military prayer breakfasts. General John 
Vessey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, spoke at a 
San Antonio, Texas FGBMFI military breakfast in 1985. 2 * 4 
Many active members of FGBMFI arc involved with the 
military, many are ex-officers, some with experience 
working with nuclear weapons systems, who now work on 
the civilian side of the military-industrial complex. Few 
have any fear of nuclear war. Many believe they will be 
raptured before war breaks out. 

The idea that a network of key workers in the military- 
industrial complex, along with others who are key decision 
makers in the nuclear chain of command, may all be 
apocalyptic in their expectations of the near future is un- 
settling. No one wants to take it very seriously because no 
one wants to believe it. But more and more evidence 
suggests that prophecy and apocalyptic expectations are 
rife within the nuclear weapons establishment. Such ideas 
are popular among the people who assemble nuclear 
weapons at the Pentax plant in Amarillo. Texas. 1 * 

During the Reagan years dispensationalist prayer 
groups honeycombed Washington, D C. Hundreds ot 
Bible study groups and prayer meetings were organized by 
lay evangelists like Herbert Ellingwood, Reagan's friend 
and long time aide, and by other religious activists in the 
Reagan Administration. The Christian Embassy, an off- 
shoot of Campus Crusade for Christ, organized bible study 
groups for flag officers in the Pentagon, lor Members ot 
Congress and their aides, for administration appointees, 
and for the wives of cabinet members/’ 

The FGBMFI has three chapters in the Washington area, 
one at the Navy Officers Club in the Navy Yard. 7 Dis- 
pensationalism, with its fascination with prophecies of the 
Second Coming of Christ, is the dominant theology in many 
of these Washington prayer groups. 

The FGBMFI has held regular military prayer breakfasts 
since 1964. Pat Robertson and his mentor Harald Bredesen 

3. The Full Gospel Business Voice. August 1986. 

4. Ibid.. August 1985. 

5. See A.G. Mojtabai, Blessed Assurance (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 
Company, 1986). 

6. From The Christian Embassy Update. Summer 1983. 

7. From the 1986-87 FGBMFI World Chapter Directory, published by 
the Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship International, P.0 Box 
5050. Costa Mesa, CA 92628. 

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have preached at FGBMFI military prayer breakfasts. A 
recent FGBMFI pamphlet outlines the scope of the in- 
fluence the Full Gospel organization enjoys in Reagan’s 

The Secretary of Defense who built us two prayer rooms 
in the Pentagon; Lieutenant General Dick Shaeter, Col- 
onel Speed Wilson, Colonel Hank Lackey; the Chairman 
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; the Commandant of the 
Marine Corps; the Chief of Naval Operations; Major 
General Jim Freeze, Major General Jerry Curry, Colonel 
Andy Anderson; the Chief of Staff of the Army ; the Chief 
of Staff of the Air Force; Sergeant Major Bud Nairn and 
First Lieutenant David Naim, Brigadier General Charles 
Duke... the lists of military men and women who have 
been vitally affected by these Military Prayer Breakfasts 
go on and on. 9 

Major General Jerry Curry was a featured participant at 
the 1977 FGBMFI World Convention and is currently a 
member of the board of regents of CBN University. Lt. 
Gen. Dick Shaefer, who spoke at the FGBMFI regional 
convention in Washington, D.C. in February 1986, served 
for 35 years in the military, including 10 years as general. 
He was the Chief of Staff of the U S. Air Force in Europe, 
Chief of Plans in Vietnam, Deputy Director for Plans and 
Policy for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Chief of Operations for 
NATO's Allied Command in Europe, and Deputy Chairman 
of the NATO Military Committee. 

Reagan himself, at the top of the nuclear chain of com- 
mand, has given his "testimony" at Full Gospel meetings. 
Reagan even credited a Full Gospel prayer group for “in- 
stantly” healing his ulcers during his term as governor of 
California. 111 

There is evidence from Reagan's own mouth that he 
believes in the dispcnsationalist scenario o( a superpower 
nuclear war. (See "The Theology of Nuclear War," in this 

The influence of FGBMFI extends throughout the world. 
Full Gospel businessmen regularly organize "air- 
lifts” — members fly at their own expense to target countries 
like Haiti or South Africa. There they organize breakfasts 
and banquets and spread their version of the gospel to 
national elites. As one FGBMFI pamphlet proclaims, 'The 
harvest is ready... and so are we!" FGBMFI members 
believe the end is coming soon and the FGBMFI has been 
called to help organize the last great revival before the 
Second Coming of Christ. As John Carrette. a Guatemalan 
businessman and FGBMFI member, prayed at the 1986 
FGBMFI World Convention, addressing God: 

8. Robertson and Brcdescn have spoken at Full Gospel military prayer 
breakfasts since 1972 when they attended one in Buffalo. New York. One 
of the speakers at that meeting was General Ralph E. Haines, the Com- 
manding General of the Continental Army Command, who received the 
“Baptism of the Holy Spirit" at the meeting. 

' 9. From the leaflet handed out at the Military Prayer Breakfast. July 12. 
1986 at the 33rd World Convention of the FGBMFI. 

10. .‘‘Reagan Was Healed of Ulcers by Prayer Group. Ex-Aide Says." 
Los Angeles Times. July 15. 1978. The L.A . Times confirmed the story 
with Reagan. The ex-aide who reported the story was Herbert Ellingwood. 
who later served the Reagan Administration in Washington. See Lawrence 
Jones, “Reagan's Religion.” Journal of American Culture. Winter 1985. 
n. 37, for Filing wood's description of the healing. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

We know that you're bringing forth world wide revival 
even now as we speak and it's your will that that be. It's 
your time that that be and this is the organization that you 
have called to provoke the world-wide revival in these 

General Rios Montt, who became the president ol 
Guatemala in an army coup, is a member of a Pentecostal 
church and was aided and supported by Full Gospel 
businessmen like John Carrette. a former Army Ranger in 
Vietnam. According to Carrette. the current presidents ol 
Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras are all Full Gospel. 
Rios Montt. after he was deposed from the presidency in 
another coup, toured the United States speaking to Pente- 
costal and charismatic audiences. The former military dic- 
tator addressed the FGBMFI world convention in 1984 
The FGBMFI has been very active in those parts of the 
world where the U.S. has strong interests, or where the 
U.S. is fearful ol revolution or Soviet influence. In January 
1986 the FGBMFI sent an "airlift" to the Philippines where 
the Full Gospel businessmen toured schools, plants, 
factories, and military bases. Other 1986 airlilts were 
scheduled for El Salvador, Guatemala, Costa Rica. Mexi- 
co. and South Africa. 

In view of the significant proportion of members from the 
military-industrial establishment, some members of the 
FGBMFI may have other motivations than their desire to 
spread the gospel around the world. The Fellowship, like 
many other evangelical organizations, has become highly 
politicized. In 1986, at the FGBMFI world convention 
canvassers collected the signatures and addresses ol 
potential supporters for Pat Robertson's presidential cam- 
paign. As at many evangelical gatherings, rightwing politi- 
cal causes are freely mixed with the gospel at FGBMFI 
conventions. A political agenda may play a key role in some 
FGBMFI work for "the last great revival " • 

General Ralph E. Haines, Jr., Honorary Chairman of 
FGBMFI and “spiritual leader” of the Continental 
Army , . 

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Shock Troops of the Christian Right: 


By Sara Diamond* 

“You stop preaching the Gospel and nations fall." 

— Dennis Peacocke. Oet. 12, 1983 

These words, on a small scrap of paper, are pinned to the 
entryway bulletin board at 740 Mendocino Ave. in Santa Rosa. 
Calilornia, home of His Name Ministries. To an outside 
observer, these words may seem meaningless — torn from the 
pages of some unknown preacher's Sunday sermon notes. But 
to thousands of Christians in "shepherding" churches, these 
words from a leading Christian Right strategist, epitomize the 
global vision of their secret, tightly structured movement. 1 

As the name implies, "shepherding," or "discipleship." is 
used to describe a broad range of charismatic churches headed 
by strong leaders intent on building dedicated flocks around 
themselves. The shepherding churches share some traditional 
Pentecostal doctrines, particularly "the gifts of the Spirit,” 
supernatural experiences like healing and speaking in tongues. 

But it would be misleading to confuse shepherding groups 
with fundamentalist and Pentecostal churches — even authori- 
tarian ones — which do not subscribe to the doctrine of "cov- 
enant relationships." What distinguishes the shepherding 
churches are hierarchical pyramids of "cells" whose members 
submit themselves to shepherds for worldly and spiritual di- 
rection and doctrinal emphasis on Biblical references to au- 
thority and obedience. 

By conservative estimates, at least one million U.S. 
Christians belong to shepherding churches. 2 Written accounts 
of the movement’s origins and precise inner workings are 
scarce, and “sheep" are generally reticent about revealing de- 
tails to outsiders. 

What is clear is that the shepherding movement is diverse, 
decentralized, web-like in its structure, 3 and conservative 
to radical right in its political orientations. Shepherding 
churches are, with increasing frequency, mobilizing for 

I Shepherding churches do not generally use the term to describe 
themselves, and consider it pejorative. 

2. See Linda Blood, "Shepherding/Disciplcship Theology and Practice of 
Absolute Obedience." Ctillic Studies Journal. Vol. 2, No. 2. 1986. 

3. Most successful mass movements share these qualities. For an ex- 
cellent comparative study of the neo-Pcntecostal and the Black Power 
movements of the 1960s, sec Luther P, Gerlach and Virginia H Hine. People. 
Power, Change: Movements of Social Transformation (Indianapolis: 
Bobbs-Merrill. 1970). 

* Sara Diamond is a graduate student in sociology at the University of 
Calilornia, Berkeley, and a contributing editor of Propaganda Analysis 
Review, and produces a weekly program on rightwing politics for Pacifica 

18 CovertAction 

political activism and the issues and positions arc well de- 
fined: opposition to abortion rights, agitation against "hu- 
manist” thought in education, promotion of the arms race, and 
support for U.S. administration counterinsurgency programs 
abroad. The political potential of a secretive, readily mobilized 
cadre system is obvious. In fact, it is safe to say that the 
shepherding movement, with its rank-and-file cell structure 
and the high-level activities of its leaders, constitutes the 
activist vanguard of the Christian Right. 


The origins of the shepherding movement may be traced to 
Pentecostal ism's Latter Rain movement of the late 1940s and 
early 1950s when a number of prominent U.S. evangelists, 
including Oral Roberts, William Branham, and Bill Bright, 
postulated that theirs was the last generation and that, 
therefore, an extraordinary revival was at hand. 4 Fundamen- 
talists and Pentecostals have always stressed the imminent 
return of Jesus Christ, but the Latter Rain Pentecostals 
believed that the Second Coming would occur when the 
Church, which they call the Body of Christ, was perfected 
through Christians' submission to the “five-fold ministry" of 
apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors, and teachers, as 
described in Ephesians 4:11. Latter Rain Pentecostals 
stressed the need to prepare the material world for the installa- 
tion of the Kingdom of God. 

Out of the Latter Rain movement grew several politically 
significant organizations, among them Demos Shakarian's 
Full Gospel Businessmen's Fellowship International (FG- 
BMFI) 5 and Bill Bright's Campus Crusade for Christ/' 
These and other groups were the forerunners of a second wave 
of the post-World War II revival, the "charismatic renewal' 
beginning in the early 1960s and reaching its peak with the rise 
of the “Jesus Freak” movement. While the secular world took 
notice of young fervent Jesus Freaks proselytizing on college 
campuses, something even more significant was going on 
within mainstream U.S. churches. Ministers of all denomi- 
nations began incorporating "charismatic" practices into their 
services; there was a new emphasis on singing, hand clap- 
ping, dancing, healing, and speaking in tongues. 

4. Much has been written on the post-World War II revivals. See especially 
David Edwin Harrell. All Things arc Possible: The Healing and Charismatic 
Revivals in Modern America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1975); 
and Vinson Synan. In the Latter Days: 7 he Outpouring of the Holy Spirit in the 
Twentieth Century (Ann Arbor. Michigan; Servant Books. 1984). 

5. Sec The Full Gospel Business Men s Fellowship International * in this 

6. See "Campus Crusade for Christ" in this issue 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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Out of the "charismatic renewal" emerged key leaders, 
some of whom drifted away from suburbia to create self- 
contained Christian communes where believers could live their 
faith 24 hours a day. Others focused on winning new converts 
and developing “spiritual maturity" within their ranks. Out of 
the latter grew the original shepherding churches. 

Go Ye Therefore and Make Disciples 

The official story of U.S. shepherding centers on the 
“charismatic" ministries of five preachers who banded to- 
gether in Fort Lauderdale. Florida in the late 1960s. Bob 
Mumford, Charles Simpson, Derek Prince, Em Baxter, and 
Don Basham, each with their own careers as Bible teachers 
and evangelists, entered into a "covenant relationship with 
each other and formed Christian Growth Ministries and began 
publishing New Wine magazine, with a current circulation ot 
about 250.000. A covenant relationship has been likened to 
marriage; the five preachers took on a collective responsibility 
for overseeing each other's personal and spiritual develop- 
ment. Each of the "Fort Lauderdale Five" trained their own dis- 
ciples to go out and start churches, organized in related 
pyramidal networks that criss-crossed the country geograph- 

Another part of the official story is the key role of 
Assemblies of God preacher Juan Carlos Ortiz, an Argentinean 
now residing in Cupertino, California. His book. Call to Dis- 
cipleship. is considered a manual for shepherding pastors. In 
the early 1970s Ortiz came to the United States and taught lead- 
ing evangelicals to build churches using a cell group structure. 
Emphasizing a radical form of spiritual imitation (not unlike 
Eastern mysticism's traditional guru/disciple relationships), 
Ortiz urged charismatic leaders to build networks of committed 
disciples, not just buildings for neophytes to meet in once a 
week. Ortiz's underlying principle is submission: 

Here is the first law of discipleship: There will be no 
formation of life without submission. The club-type mem- 
bers don't submit. It's the other way. They want the pastor 
to submit to them. They have the annual general assembly of 
the club where they vote. In this way each year, the pastor 
must be approved by the people. In the "new Bible" the 
pastor is submitted to the members but my Bible says that 
the people should be submitted to the pastor. 

Submission means submission, nothing less. 1 can lorm 
the life of my children because they submit to me. But if each 
time I corrected them I knew they could run away, it would be 
a different matter. 7 

About the same time that the Fort Lauderdale Christian 
Growth Ministries preachers were reportedly influenced by 
Ortiz, on the other side of the globe a South Korean pastor was 
implementing cell group structure and submission to authority 
in his church. Paul Yonggi Cho, pastor of Full Gospel Central 
Church in Seoul (the largest Christian church in the world), 
built his flock from 600 in 1965 to 500.000 members by 1986. 
Cho says his secret lies in training cell group leaders to lead 
weekly prayer and counselling sessions for no more than 15 
families in urban residential areas. Members deemed “ma- 
ture” split from their mother cells, recruit new members and 

7: Juan Carlos Ortiz. Call to Discipleship (Plainfield. New Jersey: Logos 
Press, 197?), p. 73. Ortiz currently lives in Northern California and keeps a 
very low profile within the shepherding movement. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Four of the Fort Lauderdale Five shepherds: (left to 
right) Charles Simpson, Ern Baxter, Bob Mumford, and 
Don Basham (seated). 

form new cells. 1 * 

According to exiles from South Korea's military regime 
now living in the United States. Cho's real success secret is 
his strong anticommunism and avowed support lor the Chun 
government. Exiles say Cho's brand ot Christianity oilers 
weary South Koreans an escape from the psychological stress 
of the Cold War against North Korea and a chance to associate 
themselves with a prosperous, politically acceptable public 

In fact, the home cell group structure had been developed by 
a U.S. evangelist. Dr. John Hurston, who was a co-founder of 
Cho's church. From 1958 to 1982 he trained South Korean and 
South Vietnamese leaders in implementing cell group structure 
to build their ranks, according to Charisma magazine, con 
sidered a leading publication of the shepherding movement . 1 
Hurston currently trains U.S. pastors from his Word of Faith 
Outreach Center in Dallas. Texas. 

“What worked in South Korea is working in Dallas." 
Charisma reported in June 1986."' Whether the flavor is 
Argentinean, Southeast Asian, or American, the cell group 
plan has two faces. On one side it looks like a standard busi- 
ness management blueprint lor church growth; the other side 
looks like a model for building underground counterrevolu 
tionary movements. 

It is from both perspectives — the personal and the 
political — that the shepherding movement needs to be ex- 
amined. First, the personal. 

The Kingdom of God is Not a Democracy 

Since its beginnings within the United States, the shep- 
herding movement has been steeped in controversy. Most 
scandalous within evangelical ranks have been charges that 
shepherds have infiltrated and taken over established church- 
es. In an in-depth investigative report. Sail Cruncisco Ex- 
aminer religion writer Don Lattin described a Santa Rosa 
church taken over by Northern California shepherding bishop 
Dennis Peacocke after his "disciple" Loren Biggs became 

8. Paul Yonggi Cho. Successful Howe Cell (.lumps (Plamlickl. New Jersey 
Logos Press. 1981 ). Cho has toured the United Stales, and spoke al the recent 
charismatic conference in New Orleans. See article in this issue 

9. Charisma . August 19X6. p. 42. This magazine is published monthly In 
Strang Communications. 190 N. Westmonle Drive. Altamonte Springs. H 

10. Charisma . June 1986. pp. 92-9 V 

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Bob Mumford says, “Christians must legislate 

pastor and replaced the congregation's elected elders with 
leaders loyal to the shepherding chain of command. The 
Examiner obtained a tape recording of Peacocke's shepherd 
Bob Mumford, in an address to pastors, advising them to: 

' Go into your church, look around, and get yourself four new 
ones. Steal them out of your own congregation. Meet them 
on the side and begin to disciple them. Then you put them 
back in there, and they start making disciples. Very quietly. 
'Actually surreptitiously — sneaky. 1 1 

One former "sheep” under Dennis Peacocke says that His 
Name Ministries in Santa Rosa was gradually transformed 
from a 1960s-style Jesus Freak church into a tightly knit au- 
thoritarian flock when, sometime in the mid 1970s, Peacocke 
announced that he had “submitted" himself to Alabama Bible 
teacher Bob Mumford and began placing church members un- 
der the authority of appointed leaders. 

Most press coverage of shepherding has focused on the 
movement’s authoritarian abuse of individual members. By 
the mid-1970s scores of "sheep" were reporting that their 
shepherds were depriving them of their independent de- 
cision-making powers, along with large sums of cash, called 
"tithes.” Members were required to perform household chores 
for their shepherds and to consult their shepherds before buy- 
ing a car, taking medicine, or applying for a job. Descriptions 
of cell group meetings began to sound more like heavy-handed 
“encounter sessions" where members were obliged to divulge 
financial and sexual secrets. 

Reports of abuse drew criticism from mainline Pentecos- 
tals, most notably Pat Robertson, 13 who called shepherding 
an "unnatural and unscriptural domination of one man by an- 
other.” In August 1975, Robertson and other Pentecostal 
leaders held a “secret summit” to challenge the Fort Lauder- 
dale teachers they said were trying to found a new denomina- 
tion based on “heretical” doctrines. 14 But according to the 
Daystar Herald, by 1976 the "covenant/discipleship" leaders 
had persuaded other charismatics to quell their public criticism 
of shepherding. The Daystar Herald publishers went so far as 

1 1. San Francisco Examiner, February 19, 1984, p. A-4. 

12. The Daystar Herald, an independent Pentecostal bimonthly published 
in Bothell, Washington, has devoted a series of issues to shepherding's 
aberrant doctrines and abusive practices. ( Daystar Herald, 19425 Filbert 
Road. Bothell. WA 98011.) See especially "Nationwide Abuses in Shep- 
herding Cult Reported," Daystar Herald, June/July 1981 . 

13. Christianity Today, April 4. 1980. p. 45. 

14. I hid. 

20 CovertAction 

to say that some within the hierarchy of the Assemblies of 
God, the largest Pentecostal denomination 13 were "allowing 
the good name of their organization to be used as a cover for 
cultish discipleship teachings." 1 ' 1 

While major Christian Right leaders have publicly kept their 
distance from shepherds (Pat Robertson banned them from the 
“700 Club” 17 ) there has been almost no public evangelical 
criticism of the movement in recent years, in spite of the fact 
that abuses of individuals’ autonomy continue. Evangelicals' 
silence may be a result of the movement's propensity to launch 
huge lawsuits against its critics. IX 

By the 1980s. it appeared, shepherding ministries had 
gained near complete legitimacy within conservative Christian 
circles. At the February 1986 convention of the 43-year-old 
National Religious Broadcasters. NRB Executive Director 
Ben Armstrong praised the publishers of New Wine magazine 
which, jointly with NRB, produced convention packet materi- 
als, including a special New Wine issue on Pat Robertson . 1 1 

By Their Fruits You Shall Know Them 

Christian Growth Ministries, started by the Fort Lauder- 
dale Five, with its California branch. Covenant Outreach 
Ministries, is the largest grouping of shepherding churches, 
but it would be erroneous to limit the scope of shepherding to 
this one “expression”. 

In spite of its hierarchical structure, the shepherding 
movement per se is noticeably decentralized. There are 
numerous self-contained "streams" of the movement whose 
chains of command do not necessarily intersect. What is clear 
is that the streams are like mini-kingdoms, each with its own 
history of political activity. Inevitable inter-movement factions 
and conflicts are not readily apparent to the outside observer. 
In fact, within the Christian Right as a whole, there is a current 
effort to "unify” diverse groups and obscure theological rifts 
alluded to in our discussion of pre-tribulationism vs. post- 
tribulationism. 20 

The drive for unity has brought a variety of shepherding 
streams together under one umbrella organization, the Cali- 
fornia-based Coalition on Revival (COR).’ 1 The groups 
represented in COR are the most politically active and. 
therefore, the most worthy of our attention. 

Many Are Called, Few Are Chosen: The Peacocke 

Northern California shepherding leader Dennis Peacocke is 
destined to become one of the most important leaders of the 
Christian Right in the next few years. As both a spiritual leader 
and a nuts-and-bolts political strategist. Peacocke leads a 
double life. Peacocke the pastor "oversees" hundreds, if not 

15. New York Times, June 22, 1986, p. 12. 

16. Daystar Herald. Vol. 4. No. 5. p. 3 

17. "False Cult Emerges from Charismatic Movement." Daystar Herald. 
Special Edition. 

18. San Mateo [California) Times, July 19. 1980: July 29. 1980. The 
California shepherding ministry Covenant Outreach Ministries (COM) sued 
the Ohio-based Christian Standard publication for $5 million over an editorial 
charging COM with attempting to "infiltrate and take over congregations. I he 
suit was dropped when the paper agreed to print a clarification. Nevertheless. 
Jimmy Swaggart broadcast a scries of programs during the week of September 
22. 1986, expressing concern over the growing influence of shepherding 

19. Sara Diamond, "Super Evangelists on the Rise." Pacific News Service. 
June 18, 1986. And sec "The Christian Underground" in this issue. 

20. See "The Theology of Nuclear War” in this issue. 

21 . See below and "The Christian Underground," in this issue. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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thousands, of Christians in dozens of churches in California, 
Hawaii. New York, and Mexico. Peacocke the politician 
appears regularly on Christian TV and radio; belongs to 
numerous rightwing organizations and — to put it mildly — has 
a keen interest in the political affairs of foreign countries. 

Peacocke. 44, describes himself as a "former Marxist” and 
"veteran” of the Free Speech and civil rights movements. He 
graduated from the University of California. Berkeley in 1966 
with a B.A. in political science, and went on to do some 

Dennis Peacocke, self-described former 1960s radical, is 
now a top shepherd. 

graduate work in the same department. ” On the heels of San 
Francisco's Summer of Love in 1967 Peacocke started a 
flower shop in the Haight-Ashbury district. 2 ’ Sometime during 
the late 1960s to early 1970s he also worked as a speech writer 
for the California Labor Federation. AFL-CIO. 24 

In 1968 he had a "born-again" experience, and in 1969 met 
shepherding leader Bob Mumford who became his pastor in 
1977. 25 In 1972 Peacocke began a half-way house for Jesus 
people in Santa Rosa 2 " and began teaching a Bible study class 
that split off from an Assemblies of God church. 27 "What was 
unusual is that those who came were mostly young people who 
were ready to trade in their rebellious lifestyle fora Kingdom of 
God experience." wrote one of Peaeocke's early followers."” 

Eventually. Peacocke and a few of his close subordinates 
moved to San Mateo County, just south of San Francisco, 
while others in his flock were stationed in Santa Rosa. Marin 
County. Montana. New York, Hawaii, and Mexico. 2 ’’ 

At some point Peaeocke's vision of the Kingdom of God 
took a sharp turn rightward. This was probably on his own ini- 
tiative and not at the behest of his shepherd Bob Mumford 
(who until recently was headquartered in Mobile, Alabama.)'" 
By the early 1980s — when the Christian Right as a whole 

22. University of California. Berkeley academic records. 

2.V San Francisco Examiner. February 19. 1984. 

24. Taped interview with Dennis Peacocke. February 4. 1986. 

25. San Francisco Examiner, February 19, 19X4. 

26. Saul a Rosa Press Democrat. December 9. 19X4. p. I 

21 . San Francisco Examiner. February 19, 19X4 

28. Spring 1980 issue of “The Servant" newsletter, published by 
Peaeocke's Christian Covenant Community. 

29. According to a former member of Peaeocke’s Covenant Outreach 
Ministries, the group operates an orphanage in Juarez. Mexico: what is 
curious about this project is that it is not promoted publicly. 

30. San Francisco Examiner. July 1 1, 19X6. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Dennis Peacocke and the Secular Right 

“Taking dominion." Dennis Peacocke style, neces- 
sitates liaisons with a variety of secular institutions. 
Until recently. Peacocke and his associate Tom Jackson 
also hosted a weekly radio program which they used to 
organize on a variety of political causes. Topics and 
guests ranged from "victims of child abuse legislation 
to labor/management relations to human rights in Nica- 
ragua. On August 12. 1986 Peacocke interviewed 
Vladimir Bukovsky, head of American Foundation for 
Resistance International. Bukovsky left the Soviet 
Union when he was traded for Chilean labor leader Luis 
Corvalon. jailed at the time of the Pinochet coup. In 

1983. Bukovsky addressed the annual convention of the 
World Anti-Communist League in Luxembourg. 

On July 30. Tom Jackson interviewed Steve 
Schwartz, research director for the San Francisco-based 
thinktank, the Institute for Contemporary Studies. (As 
expected, Schwartz and Jackson rehashed the litany ol 
anti-Nicaragua propaganda themes and. when ques- 
tioned by a caller, defended Rios Montt as a "liberal") 

The ICS was founded in 1972 by Edwin Meese III. In 

1984. the ICS published The Grenada Papers . an edited 
collection of documents seized in the 1983 LJ.S. inva- 
sion of Grenada. Herbert Romerstein and Michael 
Ledeen performed the first editing of the documents; 
University of California. Berkeley professors Walter 
McDougall and Paul Seabury (of the Foreign Intelligence 
Advisory Board and the Institute on Religion and 
Democracy) worked with Steve Schwartz on the final 
editing. (See Sara Diamond, "Grenada Papers: Propa- 
ganda Coup." Daily Californian. November 4. 1984.) 

Schwartz bragged to a former school chum in San 
Francisco that throughout the project he was in constant 
contact with Michael Ledeen and was treated to a special 
Washington. D.C. lunch with CIA Director William 
Casey. Currently. Schwartz, is helping former eonira 
leader Eden Pastora author a book. 

As for Dennis Peacocke. suffice it to say that polities 
makes for interesting bedfellows! • 

S r 

ascended as a major U.S. political force — Peacocke had 
assembled around himself a tight coterie of business-minded, 
politically conservative associates. 

Out of Covenant Outreach Ministries. IVaeoeke and Ins 
associates Tom Jackson. Will Pilcher, and Rod Wallace in- 
corporated Alive and Free as a non-profit educational institu- 
tion in December 1983. Since then. Alive and Free has main- 
tained both a low profile and — according to its tax filings — a 
low budget. For the year 1984 Alive and Free claimed 
$12,549.30 total revenue and an ending bank balance of just 
$145.00. ” However, a recent visit to its headquarters found a 
well-furnished modern office with several computers. None of 
the four officers draws a salary from the organization, the main 
function of which appears to be networking w ith other Chris- 
tian Right groups and sponsoring policy issue conferences. 

31. The source of funding is unknown: in 19X5 Alive and Free received a 
$1 .(XX) grant from Christian Voice, according to a 19X5 report to the California 
Attorney General. 

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In December 1984 Alive and Free hosted a one-day con- 
ference entitled "Marxism on the Doorstep: Conflict to the 
South" with former Guatemalan dictator General Efratn Rios 
Montt the featured speaker. 12 Montt is a member of the 
Guatemalan El Verbo church, part of the Eureka. Calilornia- 
based shepherding stream Gospel Outreach (see below). 
When asked about Rios Montt’s brutal human rights record. 
Alive and Free’s Rod Wallace told a Bay Area journalist, 
"He’s a Sunday school teacher. We’re interested in the per- 
spectives of Sunday school teachers and instructors at Bible 
schools.” 11 When a local Guatemalan solidarity group organ- 
ized a protest of the event. Alive and Free relocated the con- 
ference to an undisclosed location and denied entrance to at 
least one paid registrant. 

“The Bottom Line”— Peacocke as Propagandist 

Peacocke produces a 30-minute weekly television program 
“The Bottom Line” at Family Christian Broadcasting Network 
in Concord. California. The TV network, which broadcasts 
throughout Northern and Central California, entirely under- 
writes the production costs of the program. The show has a 
monotonous format: Dennis Peacocke lectures his Christian 
audience on their responsibility to "take dominion over all the 

South Africa: “He Who Has the Gold Makes the Rules” 

Peacocke constantly refers to himself as a former 
Marxist.” The idea, of course, is that he has now recovered 
from some terrible disease. His dubious credentials as a vet- 
eran antiwar and civil rights activist are especially useful when 
he talks about South Africa. Peacocke emphasizes the undeni- 
able horrors of apartheid racism, while alerting his Christian 
audience to the real "menace." Soviet domination of the African 
National Congress. 

The source of Peacocke’s briefings on South Africa is no 
mystery. Donald McAlvany, Alive and Free's foreign policy 
advisor, is intimately involved in South Africa. McAlvany 
edits the McAlvany Intelligence Advisor, one of dozens of 
high-priced financial newsletters; this one focuses on gold 
investment and the threat of impending U S. sanctions against 
South Africa. McAlvany is also a contributor to the John Birch 
Society biweekly The New American wherein he develops the 
major themes of the current pro-Pretoria propaganda often- 

• * 14 

S,Ve - 

The precise nature of McAlvany’s relationship with the 
South African government remains a mystery. In March 1986 
McAlvany led a delegation of 60 U.S. business and political 
leaders on a "high-level. intelligence/fact-finding mission" into 
South Africa, Namibia, and the so-called Republic of Ciskei. 
McAlvany and four of the delegates also flew into "Free An- 
gola” for a two-day meeting with Jonas Savimbi and his UN- 

32. Sec CAW Number 18 (Winter 1983). p. 34: Number 20 (Winter 1984). 
p. 37. 

33. San Francisco Bay (jiuirdian. December 28, 1984. 

34. In general, these include arguments that apartheid has already been 
largely dismantled because pass laws arc gone and mixed marriage is per- 
mitted; that the West is manifesting a "death wish" hy facilitating the ANC's 
eventual seizure of power in South Alrica: that the Soviets are building a mili- 
tary base in South Africa, and Soviet operatives in the western media arc 
distorting the facts; that South Africa's state of emergency has restored order: 
that the Zulus, led by Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, represent the true interests of 
South African Blacks and. therefore, should be armed and turned loose on 
Black revolutionaries; that the South African government will survive eco- 
nomic sanctions, but thousands of Black workers will be displaced; and that 
the ANC is not a true liberation movement. 

22 CovertAction 

ITA staff. 

McAlvany’s co-leaders on this mission were Howard 
Phillips, head of Conservative Caucus, and Duncan Sellars, 
editor of the now-defunct African Intelligence Digest In 1984 
Duncan Sellars was a plenary speaker at Dennis Peacocke 's 
conference on Central America. He shared the platform with 
Rios Montt. Sellars was dubbed an "expert on Marxist ad- 
vances in Central America,” and is a board member of the 
Council on National Policy. 11 

The McAlvany Intelligence Advisor is perhaps the only 
publication in the United States that claims that ANC leaders, 
after killing opponents with a burning rubber tire, sometimes 
“eat of the burnt flesh, even before the victim has died. 

Birds of a Feather 

Some peculiar guests appear on Dennis Peacocke’s 30- 
minute weekly TV show. "The Bottom Line. In June 1986 
(repeated in October) Peacocke broadcast one ol a three-part 
series on the Communist Menace in Central America. His 
featured guest, identified simply as "Bob.” was a U.S. citizen 
who had lived in Costa Rica, described as an expert on C entral 
America. Clipboard in hand, Peacocke and "Bob recited all ol 
the major disinformation themes against Nicaragua. 

When asked about "Bob’”s true identity. Peacocke said he 
couldn’t say because "Bob" might have trouble with his 
passport and lose his ability to slip in and out ol Nicaragua. 7 
It turns out that "Bob" is actually Rev. Michael Bresnan. one 
of Peacocke’s disciples, a former Peace Corps trainer in Costa 
Rica, who appeared on "The Bottom Line" in February 1986 
under his real name. 

Bresnan lives in Marin County. Calilornia; lrom his home 
and from an office in Virginia, he directs a strange outlit called 
the International Church Relief Fund. Bresnan travels 
frequently to Central America, and according to one ol his 
associates, his major activity is helping "settle Nicaraguan 
refugees who do not want to enter established refugee camps 
in Honduras. In October 1986 "Bob” made an appearance on 
Family Christian Broadcasting Networks "California To- 
night" talk show under his real name: he said he had just 
returned from a trip to Central America during which he de- 
livered supplies to camps in Honduras. 

Bresnan is also a key player in the Suriname-based 
Caribbean Christian Ministries, headed by Rev. Geofl Don- 
nan, and with Peacocke on its Board of Reference. The stated 
purpose of the “ministry" is to impose a "biblical world and 
life view” on Caribbean people: 

The governments of Cuba. Nicaragua. Guyana. Suriname, 
and formerly Grenada and Haiti are visible results ol anti- 
Christian influence seeking to dominate — often with the aid 
of Christianity. If this trend continues, not only is the 
political, military and economic stability of the region in 

35. The Council on National Policy is an umbrella organization of mostly 
secular right-wing groups and millionaire financiers like Joseph Coors and 
Nelson Bunker Hunt. See especially Flo Conway and Jim Siegelman. Holy 
Terror: The Fundamentalist War on America's Freedoms in Religion. Politic s. 
and Our Private Lives (New York: Delta. 1982). 

Sellars currently works with Howard Phillips at the C onservative C aueus in 
Washington. D.C. According to a spokesperson with the McAlvany hr 
lelligence Advisor. Sellars' newsletter had no relation to the Intelligence Digest 
published during the 1970s by the South Atriea Foundation, a South Alriean 
government front. Sellars' political newsletter was published jointly by 
Donald McAlvany until it became no longer financially advantageous. 

36. McAlvany Intelligence Advisor. April 1986, p. 4. 

37. Taped interview with Peacocke. July 3. 1986. 

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The Israeli Connection 

Rev. Michael Bresnan, under cover as “Bob Johnston,” 
on Dennis Peacocke’s TV program, “The Bottom Line." 

In February 1986 he appeared as Mike Bresnan; in June 
1986 he appeared as “Bob”; in October 1986 he 
appeared on Ronn Haus’s “California Tonight” program 
with Dennis Peacocke, Jose Gonzalez (Jimmy Hassan’s 
translator and the head of Hispanic Studies at CBN 
University), and Josue Lopez, who directs Peacocke's 
orphanage in Juarez, Mexico. 

jeopardy, but the free sharing of the Gospel and religious 

freedom as well.”* 

Caribbean Christian Ministries runs Bible courses in Guy- 
ana, Barbados, Grenada, Suriname, Curacao. Aruba, and 
Bonaire, with the goal of countering "sinful philosophies" like 
humanism and liberation theology. In the summer of 1986 the 
ministry moved its headquarters to southern Florida to work 
with Nicaraguan and Cuban refugee communities. The move 
may have been related to Donnan's having been banned from 
entering Guyana. 

Another tentacle of the Peacocke/Bresnan network is the 
U.S. Committee for the Defense of Christian Rights, also 
known as "The Church in Persecution." The group's charter 
was drafted by staffers at Pat Robertson's CBN University 
Law School. 4 " The primary focus of the group is to develop 
“the ideological and theological framework for the Church and 
those who are working specifically on behalf of persecuted 
Christians wherever they may be.' 41 

Gospel Outreach 

Though the Peacocke network has managed to keep a low 
public profile, the same has not been true for Gospel Out- 
reach. another California-based sect, which gained notoriety 
when one of its "elders." Gen. Efram Rios Montt became presi- 
dent of, Guatemala during the 1982 military coup. 4 ' 

38. Caribbean Christian Ministries fact sheet. June 1982. 

39. The government of Desi Boutcrsc has been subjected to repeated de- 
stabilization attempts. See CA/H. Number IS (Winter 1983). p. 63. and Num- 
ber 20 (Winter 1984). p. 6. 

40. Caribbean Christian Ministries newsletter. August 1986. 

41. Ibid. The leading "persecuted Christian” is undoubtedly Jimmy 
Hassan. exiled Nicaraguan director of the U.S. -based Campus Crusade for 
Christ. See "Campus Crusade for Christ" in this issue. 

42. See "Holy Spirit or Holy Spook?” in this issue. And see Robert Law- 
rence. ’’‘Evangelicals Support Guatemalan Dictatorship,” CAW . Number 18 
(Winter 1983), p. 34. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Gospel Outreach’s activities in Guatemala inevitably 
raise the question of possible Israeli involvement. 

Israel was Guatemala's principal international hacker 
between 1977, when the Carter administration cut off 
U.S. aid to the infamous military government, and Jan- 
uary 1986. when the installation of civilian president 
Vinfcio Cerezo restored Guatemala's public image. 
Aside from its role as chief arms merchant. Israel also 
installed computer surveillance equipment in Guatemala 
and. under the pretext of providing agricultural assis- 
tance. helped devise Rios Monti's "beans and bullets" 
strategic hamlets, modeled after the CIA's Operation 
Phoenix. 1 

If there is an Israeli connection to Gospel Outreach, it 
may be Richard Paradise, a long-time evangelist/pastor 
in the organization. In March and July 1986 interviews. 
Paradise claimed to be intimately involved with the 
Israeli government. He says he works under the au- 
spices of the World Zionist Organization as a liaison 
with U.S. evangelicals, with the assigned role of work- 
ing against anti-Semitism within U.S. churches. Para- 
dise claims to have gone on speaking lours with Israeli 
Colonel Yehuda Levy following the raid on Entebbe, and 
that the same Colonel notified him in the U.S. several 
hours before the June 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon. 

A spokesperson for the Israeli consulate in San Fran- 
cisco says they have no knowledge of Rev. Paradise. 

Paradise says he is currently developing a com- 
puterized news service intended for distribution to 
evangelical churches. The service will provide up-to- 
the-minute reports from and about the Middle East, with 
analysis of current events in light of Biblical prophecy 
found in the book of Revelation. • 

l. "Links to Democracy?” Israeli Ionian Affairs. January 1986. 

I published by Jane Hunter. P.O. Box 193X0, Sacramento. ( A 93X19 

S — — r 

Throughout Rios Montt's iron-list rule over Guatemala, the 
mainstream press characterized Gospel Outreach, and ils 
Latin-affiliated Verbo churches, as just one among hundreds of 
eccentric sects stationed in Guatemala following the 1676 
earthquake there. But there's more to Gospel Outreach than 
meets the eye. 

Gospel Outreach may or may not be classified as a distinct 
“stream" of the shepherding movement. It may be that Gospel 
Outreach practices a moderate form of shepherding. The signs 
are there for those who can read between the lines. Its literature 
emphasizes “commitment." "covenant relationships." "spir- 
itual authority," and other code words common to shepherding 
groups. Mainstream press reports about Rios Montt's regime 
noted that his U.S. church elders exerted an unusual degree of 
influence on the General's decision-making processes. 4 ' 
Gospel Outreach has nearly ?() churches within the United 

43. See especially ihe San Jose Mercury \ew \ arlicle by Gordon Moll June 
19. 1983, quoting church elders on how "everyone who comes into the church 
is assigned a member so (hat a personal relationship is established." One of 
Gospel Outreach's top evangelists, Richard Paradise, said in a taped inter 
view in March 1986 that he was ordained by Bob Mumlord with Dennis 
Peacocke during the mid-1970s. The group’s main (unction, however, has 
remained its eounterinsuruenev role in Central America. 

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States (mostly in California, Oregon, and Washington), and 
an estimated 4000 members worldwide. Like the Peacocke 
network, it grew out of the Jesus People movement of the late 
1960s. In 1970 five born-again hippies from southern Cali- 
fornia came to Eureka, California looking for a place to open up 
"a coffee house. There they met Jim Durkin, a conservative real 
estate agent and part-time Assemblies of God preacher. 44 
Durkin became a spiritual godfather to the young Christians. 
He let them stay in one of his vacant properties, then helped 
them open up a coffee house and start a community at an 
abandoned Coast Guard Lighthouse. 4 '' 

An excellent PBS film, "The Gospel in Guatemala," pro- 
duced by Steve Talbot and Elizabeth Farnsworth of KQED 
television station, documented Gospel Outreach's trans- 
formation into a major political force in Guatemala. In 1976 a 

44. New York Times, August 14. 1983. 

45. According to a taped talk given in Sacramento in May 1986 at a con- 
ference sponsored by the South Lake Tahoe group Christian Equippers Inter- 

band of zealous Gospel Outreach evangelicals went to Gua- 
temala to help the country rebuild after a major earthquake. 
Like other Protestant groups, they had a dual purpose: to help 
in a humanitarian sense and, at the same time, to convert 
Catholic Guatemalans into Bible-believing fundamental- 
ists. 46 

One of Gospel Outreach's earliest converts was Rios 
Montt, a general trained in the U.S. In a corrupt election in 
1974, Rios Montt had lost the presidency, but during a March 
1982 officers' coup, he was asked to assume the role of pres- 
ident — and his pastors said “go ahead.” Within a week of Rios 
Montt’s accession to power, Pat Robertson flew to Guatema- 
la, presumably to begin plans for a support network of U.S. 
evangelicals. By May 1982, Robertson told the New York 
Times 47 that his Christian Broadcasting Network would send 

46. See especially the NACLA Report on the Americas January/February 
1984 issue on "The Salvation Brokers: Conservative Evangelicals in Central 

47. New York Times. May 20. 1982 

The South Africa Media Campaign 

It is all very reminiscent of Muldergate, the scandal that 
ensued when it was discovered that South Africa's De- 
partment of Information (DOI) had authorized expenditures 
of $73 million for more than 160 secret projects to buy 
politicians and media favorable to the apartheid state. 1 
Rev. Moon's Washington Times was one of the beneficiar- 
ies- — approximately $4.5 million was funneled to Moon's 
overseas enterprises. The South African government 
bought substantial interest in a chain of more than sixty 
newspapers in the U.S.; Saturday Evening Post publisher 
Beurt SerVaas accepted gifts and business deals from Pre- 
toria; and more than two hundred U.S. journalists toured 
South Africa on all-expenses-paid trips. 

By 1986 the embattled South African government — 
fighting its Black population at home while hoping to forestall 
international economic sanctions from abroad — had few 
allies left in the world. Abandoned even by conservative 
Republicans in the U.S. Senate, it seems that fundamen- 
talist Christians remain the last bastion of support in the 
U.S. for South African apartheid. 

Beginning in the spring of 1986, Christian TV and radio 
preachers sympathetic to Pretoria have waged a media cam- 
paign designed to persuade their U.S. audiences that South 
Africa is a victim of liberal media bias and that the African 
National Congress is nothing but a “Soviet puppet” intent 
on depriving the U.S. military-industrial complex of “our” 
strategic minerals. 

Naturally, Pat Robertson’s Christian Broadcasting 
Network has been a leader in favorable coverage of South 
Africa. A case in point is a news feature, "Who is the 
ANC?” aired on CBN’s “700 Club” September II, 1986. 
The piece featured film footage shot at close range of two 
alleged ANC atrocities: One victim was burned alive with a 

I. See Murray Waas, '"Destructive Engagement: Apartheid's Target 

U.S. Campaign," National Reporter. Winter 1985 

gasoline-filled rubber tire "necklace;" another was stabbed 
to death by a crowd of attackers. Juxtaposed between the 
violent scenes were clips of ANC President Oliver Tambo 
and Winnie Mandela advocating all-out war against the 
South African government. 

Robertson capped the piece with an interview with his 
friend (and former CBN employee) then Senator Jeremiah 
Denton (Rep. -Ala.) who chaired the Senate Subcommittee 
on Security and Terrorism. 2 Denton said the rising price ol 
platinum signaled the beginning of the end lor U.S. access 
to South African chrome, platinum, and manganese. 
Robertson likened U.S. “softness" toward the ANC to pre- 
vious "betrayals” of Anastasio Somoza and the Shah of 

It is doubtful that the atrocity scenes shown on the “700 
Club" could have been filmed by independent newsper- 
sons. Network film crews have been routinely threatened 
by township organizers who suspect reporters may be gov- 
ernment agents. Pretoria has banned journalists from 
covering any political assembly in South Africa, and 
footage that has been filmed has not been successfully 
transported out of the country. 

There is, however, one likely source of the footage. 
According to Ronn Haus, President of the California-based 
Family Christian Broadcasting Network (FCBN) and a 
close associate of Robertson (see other sidebar), last 
spring Haus accompanied CBN officials at a meeting 
with a “person from the Reagan administration." They 
were shown film footage of a necklacing and told that the 
footage would eventually be released for U.S. TV au- 

In an interview at the COR convention. Haus said that the 
South African government is selecting supportive U.S. 
media people for tours of their country. “They are bringing 

2. See CAIB. Number 12 (April 1981). p. 52. 

24 CovertAction 

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missionaries and more than a billion dollars to help Brother 
Rios Montt rule the country. While this extraordinary promise 
never materialized. Rios Montt managed to convince Congress 
that he would not seek massive sums of U S. aid. Instead, he 
would rely on "private aid" from U S. evangelicals. 

In June 1982 Rios Montt's aide and Gospel Outreach elder 
Francisco Bianchi came to the U.S. to meet with the U S. 
Ambassador to the OAS William Middendorf. presidential 
Counselor Edwin Meese 111. Interior Secretary Janies Watt. 
U.S. , Ambassador to Guatemala Fred Chapin, and Christian 
Right leaders Pat Robertson. Jerry Falwell, and Loren Cun- 
ningham (head of Youth With a Mission). The State Depart- 
ment held a special briefing for Christian Right leaders, em- 
phasizing the need for private support for the Rios Montt 
regime. 4S 

4X. Donna Lberwinc. “To Rios Montt with Love Lift.” The Nation. February 
26. 1983. In a sense, the pro* Rios Montt campaign laid the groundwork for the 
later private contra aid network. 

them over there in different ways and trying to do a show- 
and-tell. hoping that these people will come back and 
advocate the position of the South African government." 
Haus himself w^as invited to tour South Alrica last summer. 
He says he canceled the trip because it was "at the invitation 
of and underwritten by the South African government, and I 
finally decided that I didn’t want to be wrongly interpreted 
as a pawn.”' 

Ronn Haus and Dennis Peacocke were among about 500 
U.S. Christian leaders invited by Secretary of State George 
Shultz to a special State Department briefing on South Afri- 
ca June 2. 1986. The State Department will not disclose the 
list of invitees nor the precise nature of the meeting. 

Since the State Department briefing. Haus’s network, 
which broadcasts throughout California and nationally by 
satellite, has hosted a number of white South African mis- 
sionaries on its "California Tonight" talk show. Among 
them were Vic and Anton Sawyer, now- based in Oregon: 
Johan Englebrecht who heads the Institute lor Church 
Growth, a murky South African organization that "trains 
Christian leaders," and Fred Shaw, head ot the Christian 
League of South Africa. 4 

The current Christian Right media treatment of South 
Africa was organized at the February 1986 convention of the 
National Religious Broadcasters/ At that time the ex- 
ecutive committee of the NRB agreed to help a group of 
white South African pastors form a South African NRB and 
to support their efforts by touring the country and returning 
with "the true story. " 

In March Ben Kinchlow, Robertson's Black co-host on 
the "700 Club," went to South Africa. In a live satellite feed 
from South Africa. Kinchlow testified that with the excep- 
tion of a "whites only" sign at a public beach, he personally 
experienced no racism there. On the same feed. Kinchlow 
conducted a live interview with South African Foreign 
Minister Pik Botha — at a time when secular U.S. jour- 

3. Taped interview with Ronn Haus. July 3. 1986. 

4. For a thorough treatment of Shaw's activities as well as the lull scope 
of Pretoria’s use of rightist Christians in Britain in the 1970s, see 
Derrick Knight. Beyond the Pule: The Christian Political Prince 
(Lancashire: Caraf Publications. 19X2). 

5. See “The Christian Underground.” in this issue. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Out of these meetings Gospel Outreach organized Inter- 
national Love Lift. In "7(X) Club” promotional and fundrais- 
ing letters. Love Lift fundraisers capitalized on the lunda- 
mentalist tradition of anticommunism and patronage toward 
Indian people. On January 8. 1983. President Reagan lifted the 
1977 ban on military aid to Guatemala instituted by President 
Carter for human rights reasons. That same day 350 U.S. 
evangelicals set sail with a boat carrying $1 million worth ot 
food, clothing, medical supplies, and housing materials, 
destined for refugee camps in Guatemala's Ixil triangle. 4 ' 1 

Farnsworth and Talbot’s documentary revealed the Gospel 
Outreach workers' participation in the Guatemalan army's 
administration of camps for survivors of Rios Monti's brutal 
massacres. The question that was left unanswered was what 
role, if any. Gospel Outreach played in planning and conduct- 
ing the genoeidal campaigns. 

Further information implicating Verbo church members 

49. The Nation, op. cit.. n 4X. 

— — v 

nalists were not allowed access to Pretoria s top leaders. 
Naturally, the interview centered on the potentially negative 
consequences of proposed economic sanctions against 
South Africa. 

In May NRB executive director Ben Armstrong toured 
South Africa with John Giinenez and his Rock Christian 
Network film crew, Dick Bott. owner of a string of Chris- 
tian radio stations in the Midwest, and Font Wallace, 
general manager of northern California's major Christian 
radio station KFAX. Wallace said the tour wits paid for not 
by U.S. broadcasters but by an "anonymous group of South 
African businessmen. Armstrong confirmed this and 
agreed that some of the money may come from the South 
African government, as Haus indicated. 

"There arc some South African businessmen who per- 
ceive that perhaps their whole future depends on getting a 
different view across in this country," Wallace said. Upon 
his return from the tour he devoted several of his afternoon 
talk shows to discussions of mainstream media distortion 
of South Africa and taped interviews with Zulu Chief 
Gatsha Buthelezi. believed by many to be a collaborator 
with the South African government. Since May other tours 
have been organized by the Full Gospel Business Men's 
Fellowship International/ with reduced airfare rates pro- 
vided by the South African government airline. South 
African Airways. 

To promote the tours, the airline has produced a 30- 
minute video "The Other South Africa." narrated by Stephen 
B. Stephens, an Ohio-based Christian businessman. The 
video features interviews with well-respected fundamen- 
talist leaders, including Kenneth Copeland. Benny Hinn. 
and Ray MacCauley, urging Christians to visit South Africa 
and imbibe its physical and spiritual beauty. The two-week 
tour price of $1795 includes meals, and the promoters say 
it's a great vacation — there are luxurious hotels complete 
with gourmet restaurants, sandy beaches, and lots ol gilt 
shops filled with diamond jewelry at reasonable prices. It 
really is the other South Africa. • 

6. Telephone interview, July 19X6. 

7. Telephone interview. July 19X6. 

8. Sec “Full Gospel Business Men s Fellowship International.” in this 

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emerged after Rfos Montt was ousted from office in August 
1983. According to a special report entitled "Sectas y 
religiosidad en America Latina” published in October 1984 by 
the Chile-based Instituto Latinoamericano de Estudios 
iTransnacionales. 50 during Rfos Montt's rule, members of 
Gospel Outreach’s Verbo church took jobs in espionage and 
torture and accompanied Israeli and Argentinean experts dur- 
ing interrogation sessions. The report quotes an evangelical 
pastor, Clemente Diaz Aguilar, who was detained and tortured 
by mistake in January 1983: captors stole everything from me. .. Those who 
captured me. in front of me, divided up my money, and later 
they led me into the hands of the torturers. In the iong hours 
of torture, they asked me constantly about other pastors- 
...of some churches in the capital; they asked me also about 
my views on liberation theology and about the liberation of 
the people of Israel. 

The torturers, tired of doing so much damage to me, rested 
for a while: then I recognized some of them: two are 
members of a singing duo from these churches [Verbo and 
Mision Elim]; I begged [them] to recognize me because I 
recognized them; then they asked me questions about my 
capture, my complete name, my address, my church and my 
activities. When they realized I was not the person they were 
looking for, they begged my forgiveness, saying "Brother, 
we are also Christians.” 51 

The report describes what kind of "Christians" Rfos Montt 
and his aides really are: Within the first nine months of his 
administration, 12 evangelical pastors were assassinated; 69 
were kidnapped; 45 “disappeared"; 15 were jailed; 1 1 foreign 
missionaries were expelled; 88 evangelical temples were de- 
stroyed; and 50 more were occupied by the Army. 5- ’ In August 
1982 Francisco Bianchi told a U.S. newspaper: "It is true, we 
have killed Indians, because they are communists or col- 
laborators with the guerrillas." 5 ' In December 1982 a group of 
North Americans interviewed a number of Guatemalan reli- 
gious leaders, including a Verbo Church pastor. They asked him 
about Rfos Montt and about Army massacres of indigenous 
people. He responded: 

The Army doesn't massacre the Indians. It massacres 
demons, and the Indians are demon possessed: they are 
communists. We hold Brother Efrafn Rfos Montt like King 
David of the Old Testament. He is the king of the New 
Testament. 54 

The Word is Propaganda 

Aside from its actual intervention on behalf of the Guate- 

50. "Sects and religion in Latin America." published in Spanish by the In- 
stituto Latinoamericano de Estudios Transnacionales. Casilla 16637, Correo 
9, Santiago. Chile. October 1984. 

5 1 . Iftid . , pp. 2 1 . 22, translated by Sara Diamond. 

52. Ibid. Rios Montt's own brother, a Catholic Bishop, had to go into exile 
in Costa Rica. Lawrence. op. lit.. n. 42. p. 35. See also CounterSpy. Vol. 7. 
No. 3 (March-May 1983). p. 48: "Gospel Outreach propaganda gives the im- 
pression that all evangelical Christians in Guatemala — possibly 20 percent ol 
the population — support Rios Montt. That is simply not true. The Army has 
massacred evangelical Christians in the same fashion it has disposed of 
others. Only one week after Rios Montt took power, soldiers throw grenades 
into an evangelical church in Chupol. Quiche province, accusing those inside 
of being guerrillas. Thirty-six people were killed." 

53. Op. at.. n. 50. p. 2.3. 

54. Ibid. 

26 CovertAction 

malan military. Gospel Outreach plays a key role in persuad- 
ing U.S. fundamentalists that U.S. policy is designed to 
benefit Third World people. The main vehicle is the "Frontline 
Report,” covering international Love Lift's ongoing work 
throughout Latin America. 

Verbo’s International Love Lift media arm is directed by 
Costa Rica-born Alfred Kaltschmitt. a former Coca Cola J ‘ ad 
man, who sums up the purpose of his work: 

We’re intimately involved in what's happening politically, 
socially, and spiritually in the Hispanic world. We re con- 
veying that information to North Americans and Europeans 
from a Christian point of view. The liberal press has so 
consistently distorted Latin American news that some 
Christians have formed wrong opinions of what's happen- 
ing. These opinions inadvertently might lead them to back 
up political decisions that could foster a communist 
takeover in the hemisphere. 55 

In article after article on Central and South America's "turmoil 
and despair" the main themes are that Jesus is the only answer 
to fighting between left and right; political solutions are futile: 
that people are suffering from “hopelessness" — not from 
objective conditions like hunger, illiteracy and sickness: that 
this hopelessness and despair is spreading and will soon 
reach the borders of the United States; and that violence is 
everywhere; its source is unknown but probably can be attrib- 
uted to rebellious leftists. 

These themes are conveyed using techniques explicitly 
appropriate for the evangelical audience. For example, in the 
August 1986 issue, Brother Efrafn Rfos Montt wrote a piece 
based on the notion that the North and South American con- 
tinents should be seen as "one body." and that, just like the 
human body, the various parts cannot function without each 
other. Of course, he defined the U.S. as the head of the body 
controlling the rest. 5h 

Though the analogy is false — Third World countries cannot 
be likened to subordinate parts of a human body — it works 
because it is an analogy frequently used by shepherding 
leaders to justify authoritarian direction by leaders of the 
"Body of Christ." 

International Love Lift continues to lead the fight against 
“communist takeover" in the region. Its current projects in- 
clude: a Verbo school in Managua: a campaign to light 
Catholicism and spiritualism in Brazil; Casa Bernabe or- 
phanage in Antigua. Guatemala, for orphans of massacres; a 
missionary outreach from Latin America to the U.S. to work 
with Florida's Cuban community; a Leadership Training 
School with over 1,000 members in Guatemala City, directed 
by Rfos Montt himself; and a Love Lift School of Evangelism, 
directed by the Christian Equippers International of South Lake 
Tahoe, California (headed by Francis Anfuso, whose twin 
brother Joseph Anfuso is a leader in Gospel Outreach). 

Maranatha — God’s Green Berets 

This young man is taking over his campus, and I want you 
to know that we're to take over too. The Bible says we are 
to. ..rule. If you don't rule and I don't rule, the atheists and 
the humanists and the agnostics are going to rule. We 
should be the head of our school board. We should be the 

55. From line Report. Vol. 10, No. 5. 

56. Ibid.. Vol. II. No. 4. 

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Bob Weiner, president of Maranatha Ministries, prays 
that “Christians must take dominion.” 

head of our nation. We should be the Senators and the Con- 
gressmen. We should be the editors ot our newspapers. We 

sjjould be taking over every area ot lile. 57 

ji'fhis is Bob Weiner speaking. His Maranatha Campus 
Ministries organization claims campus ministries at 56 uni- 
versities in .11 states. 5 * and operations in a number of foreign 
nations. Weiner is a major presence in the religious Right, and 
serves on the Board of Governors of the Council for National 
Policy, the Steering Committee of the Coalition on Revival, 
and the Steering Committee of the North American Congress 
on 4 fhe Holy Spirit (see sidebar), which sponsored a conference 
in New Orleans attended by several hundred Maranatha 
followers from around the country. 5 '' 

■‘Maranatha" is a Greek word, meaning "the Lord cometh." 
Maranatha Campus Ministries, epitomizes the shepherding 
movement's focus on “taking dominion" over secular society. 
Maranatha members describe themselves as "God s Green 
Berets," and it's true: they are the most aggressively 
evangelistic and politically rightwing ot any campus crusad- 
ers/’ 11 

Looking at" Maranatha's monthly tabloid. The Forerunner. 
if is hard to tell if the group’s primary purpose is evangelism or 

57. "The Forerunner." TV program aired on Concord. California Christian 
TV station KFCB. December 7. 19X5. 

5K. The Forerunner. October 19X6. p.12. Maranatha's director lor 
evangelism worldwide. Rice Broocks, wrote C hange the Ctiin/uet ( Itnnite 
the World: A Hattie Plan lor Reaehinx This (ieneratioir. he has appeared on the 
7(H) Club, and heads Maranatha's Society lor Creation Science (SCSI which 
pushes creationism on college campuses. Three members ol the Advisory 
Board of SfS. Richard Bliss. Henry M. Morris, and Duane Gish, are 
associates of the California Institute lor Creation Research I It Rl. lounded by 
Tim LaHayc Bliss authored the Arkansas statute which mandated creation- 
ism be taught in the schools: Morris and Gish are both members ol the Council 
for National Policy. 

59. Weiner was a scheduled speaker at Gerald Derstine s Christian Retreat in 
l986.(«/<M.v/n,e,v. Pall 1985) and at Francis Anfuso's Christian Bc| nippers In- 
ternational ICE!) conference in May 19X5. where Larrv lomc/ak and Jim 
Durkin of Gospel Outreach were also scheduled [Charisma. February 19X6). 
m January 19X6 Derek Prince addressed several thousand members of 
Maranatha at a New Year's meeting ( Charisma . June 19X6). 

60. Fred Clarkson. "Reagan Youth." I nterehange Report. Winter 19X5. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

rightwing political organizing. Issue alter issue features 
articles on the merits ol capitalism, the threat ol terrorism, and 
the global war on communism. In addition. Maranatha dis- 
tributes The Contest tor World Dotninitni: /) C hrisiitin Re- 
sponse to Karl Marx, which says. "Arc we to sil hack and just 
accept the idea that the Iron Curtain, the Bamboo Curtain or the 
Sugar Cane Curtain can keep the gospel out of communist 
nations ? Christians of this generation! It is time that we take 
the world!" Maranatha also distributes a booklet on "C hristian 
Dominion" in which Bob Weiner argues that God chose 
“English-speaking Teutonic peoples" to come to America and 

The North American Congress on 
the Holy Spirit 

In addition to the conventions of the National 
Religious Broadcasters and the Coalition on Revival, a 
third significant conference was the North American 
Congress on the Holy Spirit and World Evangelization 
(NAC). held in the New Orleans Superdome October 
8-11, 1986. sponsored by the North American Renewal 
Service Committee (NARSC). 

While COR was organized by Protestant fundamen- 
talists and Pentecostals. the NAC was organized prin- 
cipally by Catholic charismaties associated with People 
of Praise community in South Bend. Indiana, and was 
attended by both Catholic charismaties and Protestant 
Pentecostals. 1 

The NAC was administered and organized by the 
Catholic-run Charismatic Renewal Services located in 
South Bend. Indiana. South Bend is the headquarters of 
the controversial People ol Praise Community, with 
which David Sklorenko. NAC Director, is associated. 
People of Praise and its related organization. Word of 
God. in Ann Arbor. Michigan (out ol which the lormer 
split following an obscure dispute), are at the huh ol a 
rapidly proliferating network ol Catholic charismatic 
organizations in the United States anil abroad which are 
structured like the Protestant shepherding groups in 
terms of strict hierarchy and intense organizational and 
ideological loyalty of members. Both Word ol God and 
People of Praise have outreach programs to non-Catho- 
lics and. in the latter group. non-Catholic Christian 
groups can have formally established "covenant rela- 
tionships." The Community of Jesus the King, a Cath- 
olic community in New Orleans connected to People ol 
Praise, provided much ol the local organizing and ad- 
ministrative staff. 

Although NAC was organized by this Catholic 
Charismatic network. non-Catholic Pentecostals were 
represented on the Steering Committee of NAC's 
sponsoring organization (NARSC'). and participated in 
the New Orleans events. • 

I. The Catholic charismaties were represenleil at NR11 by It John 
Bertolucci, of the University of Steubenville, who addressed the 
Catholic session at NAC. Bertolucci is on the Advisory Board of the 
Ann Arbor New Covenant magazine, which is largely a Word ol God 

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"administer government among savage and senile peoples" 
and to "establish a system where no chaos reigned.” 

Aside from its absurd pseudopolitics, Maranatha has also 
been likened to a religious cult/’ 1 Members are not permitted 
to date; if they fee! God’s calling to become engaged to 
someone, they submit their request to their shepherd who will 
let them know if they may marry. As in other shepherding 
“streams” each sheep is assigned a shepherd to oversee his or 
her spiritual and worldly activities. Financial obligations from 
members are strictly enforced, and at one time Maranatha 
required new members to sign a Statement of Covenant which 
read, in part: 

1 recognize the authority of the elders as God has set them in 
the Body. I am willing to submit my life unto them for ex- 
hortation, rebuke, correction, instruction in doctrine, and 
guidance. 62 

In November 1982, evangelicals worried about cults met with 
the leadership of Maranatha to discuss concerns about the 
group's authoritarian reputation. Charles Farah of Oral Rob- 
erts University and Jerry Horner of Pat Robertson's CBN 
University came to Maranatha’s defense. 6 - 1 

Maranatha and Politics 

The organization has been useful to the Republican Party. 
The Wall Street Journal , noting that Maranatha sent between 
60 and 100 members to campaign door to door for Mark 
Siljander in 1982, described Weiner's organizing pro -contra 
aid demonstrations on 70 campuses across the country on the 
eve, of a crucial vote on the issue in Congress. 64 

One of the most notorious Maranatha political operatives 
was David Fazio, The Forerunner's campus correspondent in 
Chapel Hill. North Carolina in 1986. He was the National 
Chairman of the Raleigh-based Students for America. 65 which 

61 . On August 16, 1985 the Wall Street Journal ran a front page story on 
Maranatha headed. "Fervent Faction: Maranatha Christians Backing Rightist 
Ideas, Draw Fire Over Tactics. Campus Defectors Say Group Often Uses 
Mind Control To Guide Personal Lives," citing a recent committee of es- 
tablished religious leaders which concluded that Maranatha "has an au- 
thoritarian orientation with potential negative consequences for members." 
The article noted that Maranatha had been removed from several campuses by 
tollegc authorities. The authoritarian ideology within Maranatha was re- 
emphasized in the June 1986 issue at The Forerunner, which ran a reprint from 
Dennis Peacockc s newsletter "Bottom Line" denouncing "The Fear of 
Absolutes." Both Peacocke and Larry Lea arc frequent contributors to The 

62. Statement of covenant, from the library files of Spiritual Counterfeits, a 
group of evangelicals in Berkeley. California, which watches cults. 

63. Christianity Today. August 10. 1984. p. 39. 

64. President Reagan, said the article, had sent Weiner a congratulatory 
note in 1982. at the suggestion of Morton C. Blackwell, director of Youth for 
Reagan/Bush in 1980, who became Special Assistant to Reagan in charge of 
liaison to religious groups; he resigned his White House post in 1984 to head 
the Leadership Institute, based in North Springfield. Virginia. A Leadership 
Institute brochure of 1984 listed an Advisory Board which included Senators 
William Armstrong, Orrin Hatch. Jesse Helms, Roger Jcpson. Paul Laxalt. 
Steven Symms, Paul Trible. and Congressmen Phil Crane. Newt Gingrich, 
Ken Kramer. Trent Lott, Mark Siljander, Gerald Solomon, and Vin Weber, 
among others. The Institute trains young political activists, some of whom 
had been involved in the disruptive heckling of Mondale and Ferraro during the 
1984 campaign. Blackwell told the Wall Street Journal that ten percent of the 
400 Institute ‘trainees had been members of Maranatha. and one of them, 
Claude Allen, directed young volunteers in the successful 1984 campaign to 
reelect Jesse Helms. 

65. Students for America was founded in Washington by Ralph Reed, 
former executive director of College Republicans. According to Fazio it soon 

28 CovertAction 

had led a group of students to "safe houses" in Tegucigalpa. 
Honduras, to meet with contras and one of their commanders. 
Indalecio Rodriguez. Fazio told the Washington Post (August 
8, 1985), "I feel the contras are very honest." 

Recruitment is a primary goal for Maranatha, along with 
attempts at establishing political hegemony on campuses. 
Maranatha claims to have taken over the student government at 
the University of Hawaii, and in the Philippines. Maranatha 
students at the University of the City of Manila won numerous 
student council positions. 

On the heels of the 1986 coup in the Philippines which 
brought Corazon Aquino to power, Maranatha launched a spe- 
cial summer outreach there. Maranatha evangelists from the 
U.S. flocked to the Philippines to evangelize. The goal was to 
double the membership of the Maranatha Church in Manila and 
to open a new church in Makati, the financial district of the 
capital. 66 

Maranatha has at least one church in Jamaica. A few 
months before the Philippines outreach, Maranatha apostle 
Bob Weiner led a team of 31 disciples to Kingston, Jamaica, 
where they preached at the University of the West Indies. 
Maranatha's Forerunner claims that 1000 students were con- 
verted to Christianity by Maranatha evangelists during a two- 
week period. 67 

Maranatha has been working with Caribbean Christian 
Ministries, whose director. Rev. Geoff Donnan proposed the 
distribution of The Forerunner to 2500 Christian leaders who 
were on his regular mailing list. 6 * The "thriving" Maranatha 
church in Guatemala is sending a team to start a new church in 
El Salvador in 1987. This operation will be led by James (Di- 
ego) Thomas who built the nearly 200-member Guatemala City 
church as well as the one in Honduras. 

Other Streams 

Aside from the major shepherding streams led by Bob 
Mumford and Dennis Peacocke. Gospel Outreach's Jim 
Durkin, and Maranatha's Bob Weiner, there are an unknown 
number of separate but interrelated networks. Some of the 
more significant are: 

• Larry Tomczak’s People of Destiny International (PDI), 
based in Wheaton. Maryland. Tomczak oversees about a doz- 
en churches in Maryland. Pennsylvania, Ohio, Virginia, 
Florida, Texas, and California, each with several hundred to 
several thousand members. Tomczak is a member of the 
Coalition on Revival Steering Committee (see below), and has 
good relations with Dennis Peacocke, 6 ' 7 Bob Weiner, and 

relocated its headquarters to Raleigh in order to aid Sen. Jesse Helms in his 
rcclection campaign. In August of 1985 Reed told the Wall Street Journal . “I 
think that Maranatha has gotten a bum rap." He claimed that I ,(KK) ol SFAs 
4,000 members were “from Maranatha." On July 16. 1984 Rccd was lauded in 
Spotlight for setting up the Student Coalition for Truth. It included Students lor 
America. Young Conservative Alliance of America. Students lor a Better 
America. Heritage Foundation's Catholic Study Council, and Young Ameri- 
cans for Freedom. It denounced the NBA and those who run the nation s 
schools as liberal “dunces." 

66. It is unclear just what kind of relationship Maranatha maintains with the 
Aquino government; one of the young converts to Maranatha was an Aquino 
campaign worker. The Forerunner. September 1986. p. 9. 

67. The Forerunner, July 1986. p. 6. 

68. Forerunner's mid- 1986 special issue “Maranatha Special World Har- 
vest ’87 Issue", which also covers operations in other countries; also 
Caribbean Christian Ministries (CCM) Status Report, August 1986, p.6. The 
CCM Board of Reference includes Gary North. Dennis Peacocke. Gary De- 
Mar, and Paul Lindstrom. 

69. Tomczak dined recently with Dennis Peacocke, who, he exclaimed, “is 
doing excellent behind-the-scenes work both in San Francisco and in the nation 

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Larry Tomczak, shepherding leader . 

Gospel Outreach leaders. His recent book, Divine Appoint- 
ments. was published by Servant Books, the in-house pub- 
lishing arm of Word of God in Ann Arbor, Michigan. 

In March 1986 Tomczak visited the Tyler, Texas offices ot 
Youth With a Mission (YWAM) 7 " and the Last Days 
Ministries of Melody Green 71 in neighboring Lindale. 
Green's Last Days ranch attracts hundreds of young people 
from around the country and encourages them to participate in 
foreign mission work under the guidance of YWAM, Campus 
Crusade, Sudan Inland Mission, and Wycliffe Bible Transla- 
tors. as well as in her own programs in Belize and Paraguay. 7 - 

The July/August issue of People of Destiny magazine has a 
feature article by Jim Durkin, the founder of Gospel Outreach. 
Durkin also runs Forward Edge International, which adver- 
tises in People of Destiny 7 ' 

Cult-watching organizations are keeping an eye on Tomczak 
and his "apostolic team.” Tomezak’s followers have been 
especially active in abortion clinic picketing and have been 
recruiting church members from the ranks of anti-abortion pro- 
testors. 74 

• Great Commission International (GCI), headed by Jim 
McCotter and also based in Maryland, but without apparent 
ties to the other shepherding streams. CAW spoke with young 
GCI recruiters at the Washington COR conference. They said 
that GCI practices shepherding, with every member assigned 
to a cell group which oversees individuals’ spiritual and 
worldly growth. GCI’s political arm, Americans for Biblical 
Government, lobbies against abortion and in favor of contra 
aid. 75 

to mobilize Christian leaders for Spirit-led activism.” People of Destiny 
Report, Summer 1986. 

70. See “The Christian Underground.” in this issue. 

71. Green is a member of the COR Steering Committee, and a consulting 
editor of World Christian magazine, based in Chats worth. California, one of 
the best sources of information about U.S. -based foreign missions. 

72. Last' Days. April 1984 and December 1985. The latter also extolled the 
case history of a young recruit to The Navigators who did mission work in 
Ghana. Green also approvingly cites one advocate of whipping recalcitrant 
children: ”|F)orming the habit of ready and willing submission to your will 
prepares them in forming the habit of obedience to God, which is more im- 
portant than anything else. ...” Last Days. December 1985. To protest abortion 
she gained publicity by hauling around a dead human fetus. 

73. “When you join a Forward Edge short-term team, you spend 10 days to 
3 weeks at the "forward edge.” God uses you in ways you never imagined.... 
Join a Forward Edge short-term team to: Guatemala. England/Scotland. 
Nicaragua. China. Nepal (tentative). The Philippines. Also teams to U.S. 
Cities, Teen Wilderness Teams.” People of Destiny. May/June 1986. 

74. The Cult Observer. September 1985, p. 13. 

75. Great Commission Church was the subject of an article in the May 2. 
1986 Texas Observer, which noted the pro- contra organizing of Americans for 
Biblical Government, of which McCotter is President. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

GCI member Bruce Hallman is the media director lor High 
Frontier, the private pro-Star Wars lobby founded by retired 
Gen. Daniel Graham. When asked about the relationship 
between his pro-Star Wars work and the popular C hrislian 
belief in Armageddon, Hallman said "no comment. Hallman 
is also a Washington spokesperson lor Christian Voice. (See 
“Christian Voice." "The Christian Underground." and 
“Moon’s Law.” in this issue.) 

In 1986 GCI caused confusion among Democratic and 
Republican Party leaders in Montgomery County. Maryland 
when the church ran twelve candidates for office — eight for the 
Republican Central Committee and four for Democratic state 
delegate seats. 76 

• John and Anne Gimenez pastor the Rock Church in Vir- 
ginia Beach. Virginia. They have been professionally and 
politically associated with Pat Robertson most of their 
careers. Their church, located only one mile from CBN. was 
headquarters for the 1980 Washington lor Jesus rally. Rally 
organizer and church member Ted Pantuleo has served in 
several political capacities lor Robertson, including lirst ex- 
ecutive director of the Freedom Council. The Rock Church is 
one of a number of "kingdom" churches which arc building 
post-millennial political movements and spinning oil clone 
congregations nationwide. 

The Coalition on Revival — Streams Flowing Into One 

The major apostolic streams of the shepherding movement 
and their activities known to date, form a seamless web of in- 
terconnections. Within the last several years, the leaders ol 
Christian Right groups have launched an unprecedented effort 
toward "unity," manifesting itself in the sharing of resources 
and the creation of several umbrella organizations. 

In 1984 Tim LaHaye formed the American Coalition for 
Traditional Values (ACTV) to unite politically active minis- 
ters. 77 At the same time, an effort was under way to bring the 
leaders of the shepherding churches together with astute 
political strategists in what can only be described as a "united 
popular front," akin to a vanguard party in (counterrevolu- 
tionary situations. 

The result is the Coalition on Revival (COR), which held its 
third annual convention in Washington. D C. July 2-4. 1986. 
CAW attended this splashy event which culminated with a 
dramatic Lincoln Memorial ceremony. There COR members 
announced their intentions to impose their brand of the Chris- 
tian World View on every aspect of society. 

The conference marked a new phase of unity among Bible- 
thumping shepherds and shrewd political strategists. Among 
those present at the COR conference were: 

• Jay Grimstead. founder and President of COR. Grimstead 
described his odyssey from believing in the imminent Second 
Coming of Christ and the pre-tribulation rapture to a "muscu- 
lar” form of Christianity which "takes theology to the streets ." 
“We are promoting confrontation everywhere and this means 
church discipline," Grimstead said, encouraging pastors to 
notify colleagues of individual Christians who refuse to stop 

A lengthy, unpublished draft of COR's Manifesto for the 
Christian Church, calls for all pastors to restructure their con- 
gregations into “home cell groups” of no more than 12 

76. Washington Post. August 17. 1986. 

77. See “Moon’s Law.” in this issue. 

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COR’s Requirements 

The Coalition on Revival was distinguished by the 
rigor of its participant screening procedures. 

All attendees were required to sign four itemized 
ideological “Commitment Sheets" and answer correctly 
twenty “Yes/No” written questions. They included both 
arcane theological references and repeated references to 
the literal truth of the Bible, including: 

A willingness “to renounce Lucifer and all his evil 
works including any involvement in the occult, witch- 
craft, seances, Ouija boards. Transcendental Medi- 
tation, and all pantheistic Eastern mysticism....” 

Acceptance of the “inerrancy of the Old and New 
Testaments,” and agreement that the Bible “is without 
error in the original manuscripts....” 

Affirmation of the "reality of angels... Satan... and 
demons... and the present activity of angels and demons 
in human affairs....” 

And, of course, belief that “the fall of mankind 
happened] as it is described in Genesis 3, involving a 
talking serpent and fruit being eaten." 

In addition, opposition to abortion, adultery, and 
homosexuality were de rigueur. • 

Colonel Doner, key organizer in Christian Right, is 
disciple of Dennis Peacocke. 

pastor, and that he planned to move from the Washington, 
D.C. area to Santa Rosa, California in order to work with 
Peacocke politically. 7 '' 

• Ray Allen, President of Christian Voice. In 1984 Allen 
was responsible for the so-called "Texas Plan," whereby 
fundamentalist activists seized control of the GOP machinery 
in Lubbock. Texas. “Our agenda is to export this model," 
Allen told the Religious News Service after the 1984 elec- 
tion. 80 COR is the vehicle for exporting this model to 
California and other states. Currently Ray Allen is COR's 
hired public relations official: COR pays him $2,000 per 
month, according to its 1986 financial statement. 

• Carolyn Sundseth. formerly of the White House Office of 
Public Liaison for religious groups, herself a charismatic 
Christian. She delivered a letter of congratulations from Presi- 
dent Reagan. Sundseth's son Christopher Sundseth. a former 

Jay Grimstead rallies Christian soldiers to “take 
theology to the streets.” 

members accountable to each other in personal matters. The 
document recommends that each "sheep" be required to sign a 
legal statement to the effect that he or she will not take legal 
action if the church staff administers ‘discipline"— including 
public excommunication — for behavior deemed unbiblical. 78 

• Connie Marshner, protege of New Right leader Paul 
Weyrich (one of the founders of the Heritage Foundation and 
current President of the Free Congress Foundation). Marsh- 
ner, like Weyrich, is a Roman Catholic but she is also an im- 
portant organizer in the battle for “traditional family values.” 
At the COR conference, Marshner predicted that “Christian 
unity” would eliminate pornography, divorce, adolescent re- 
bellion, and resentment between workers and employers. 

- • Colonel Doner, Chairman of the American Christian 
Voice Foundation. Christian Voice is famous for its publica- 
tion of “moral report cards” rating candidates on their 
positions on social issues. At the COR convention. Doner 
told reporters that Dennis Peacocke had recently become his 

78. Grimstead himself has a “pastoral relationship" with Dennis Peacocke, 
according to an internal shepherding movement letter written by Peacocke in 
December 1983. Peacocke has been "counselling" Grimstead and his wile 

30 Covert Action 

Ronn Haus, president of Family Christian Broadcasting 
Network, advises Christians that, “a good Jew likes a 
good deal.” 

director of the Adolph Coors Company's political action com- 
mittee, was a Reagan appointee at the Treasury Department 
until he was dismissed following a mini-scandal over his 
sending a vicious postcard to a California man who protested 
an Education Department official’s statement about the U S. 
being a “Christian nation.” 81 Carolyn Sundseth told the COR 
conference that she frequently had Bible studies in her White 
House office, and that at least once a month someone was born 
again there. 

79. See “Christian Voice,'* in this issue. 

80. William Bole. "The Christian Right Eyes the Republican Party." 
Religious News Service, printed in Interchange Report, Winter-Spring 1985. 

81. Washington Post. August 7. 1985. 

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Rambo Contact Groups 
and Leading Lights 

Young Americans for Freedom 
College Republican National Committee 
U S. Council for World Freedom (WACL.) 

Students for America 

Freedom's Friends (William Murray and the contras) 
Conservative Caucus 
Alpha 66 

American Coalition for Traditional Values (ACTV) 

Alive and Free 

National Young Vietnamese for Freedom 
Nemesis (a rightist student group active at UCLA) 

John Singlaub 
Colonel Doner 
Dennis Peacocke 
Rep. Robert K. Dornan 
Dr. Donald Sills 
Jack Wheeler 
Howard Phillips 

Tomas D. Schuman (former KGB agent!) • 


• Tom Barlow, a rancher Irom Cape Town. South Alrica, 
who urged conference participants to oppose speedy change in 
South Africa. "Whoever rules South Africa will rule the world 
for the next 100 years," Barlow said "The United States can't 
even make a ball bearing without minerals from South Africa." 

• Ronn Haus, President of TV-42. Family Christian 
Broadcasting Network in California. Haus spoke on the need 
for Christians to "infiltrate" and "revolutionize" the media. 
When asked about the problem of soliciting radio and TV 
advertisers in cities with lots of Jewish-owned media. Haus 
said to "offer yourself cheap." "A good Jew likes a good deal," 
he quipped. 

• David Balsiger. of the Biblical News Service, co- 
publisher of Christian Voice's Biblical Scorecards. Balsiger 
also heads up a fairly new far-right grouping, the RAMBO 
Coalition (Restore a More Benevolent World Order). RAMBO 
is an umbrella for secular groups (see sidebar) involved in 
financing various "freedom revolutions'" — better known as 
counterinsurgency operations — in Nicaragua. Angola. Mo- 
zambique, Afghanistan, etc. RAMBO made newspaper 
headlines in 1986 for its series of demonstrations at Chev- 
ron-Gulf stations, protesting the oil company's business 
dealings with the Angolan government. Balsiger told a reporter 
that he soon hopes to organize Cuban exiles to stage civil dis- 
obedience actions at Chevron-Gulf corporate headquarters. 
RAMBO’s protests are unique within rightist circles — it s 
not often that dedicated "conservatives" oppose red-blooded 
capitalists’ efforts to make a buck. 

• Gary North and Rousas J. Rushdoony, leaders of what is 
known as the "Christian Reconstruction Movement" within 
fundamentalism. Rushdoony runs a Christian think tank in 
Southern California called the Chalcedon Foundation, which 
issues reams of reports and position papers charging that the 
state cannot and should not address social issues and "prov- 
ing" that “secular humanism” is a bankrupt, dying philosophy 
that will soon be replaced by an all-pervasive "Biblical world 
view." Rushdoony is an advisor to Dennis Peacocke's Alive 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

' Ronn Haus and Maureen Salaman 

Ronn Haus's Family Christian Broadcasting Net- 
work (TV-42) broadcasts throughout Northern Califor- 
nia from stations in Concord and Fresno. It produces not 
only Dennis Peacocke's "The Bottom Line." but also 
“Accent on Health," hosted by Maureen Salaman. Lach 
week Salaman takes a behind-the-scenes look at how 
“rich doctors" do more harm than good to their patients 
and how corporate conspirators are plotting to destroy 
dairies that distribute unpasteurized milk. 

Salaman is the president of the 1 00. 000-member 
National Health Federation; she is also known nationally 
as a veteran activist in Willis Carlo's Liberty Lobby. 
Carto has been described by civil libertarians as the 
most notorious anti-Semite and racial supremacist in the 
United States. In 1985 Carlo's Institute for Historical 
Review lost a lawsuit to a Long Beach. California man 
whose family was gassed at Auschwitz. Carto claims 
the Nazi holocaust never took place. 

In 1984 Salaman campaigned as the Vice-Presidential 
candidate on the slate of Carto' s electoral front, the Pop- 
ulist Party. In the spring of 1986 Salaman led an internal 
power struggle within the Populist Party. She came out 
on the side of Carto against the less extreme American 
Independent Party faction. At TV-42's live filming of a 
Christian trade show in Sacramento last spring. Sala- 
man said. "I'm urging people to send their money di- 
rectly to the Spotlight in Washington. D C." The 
Spotlight. Carto's tabloid, has the largest circulation of 
any far-right weekly in the United States. 

Ronn Haus says he knows Maureen Salaman only as 
^ a nutritionist and health expert. • f 

and Free organization, and Gary North's Texas-based pub- 
lishing company is publishing Peacocke's forthcoming book 
Christ the Liberator. North is a so-called financial expert who 
teaches fundamentalists to abandon soft currency in favor ol 
gold. North is a popular speaker on the "hard currency" lecture 
circuit, where he frequently shared the platform with 
members of the John Birch Society. 

• The Caribbean Crusaders — Michael Brcsnan. Jose 
Gonzalez. Jimmy Hassan. and Geoff Donnan. They held a 
special luncheon at the COR convention, at which they an- 
nounced that the theme of the “persecuted church " in socialist 
countries should be a new rallying point for rightwing 
Christians. Gonzalez has since been named head ol the 
Department of Hispanic Studies at Pat Robertson's CBN Uni- 
versity . 

Last Words 

Bob Mumford. shepherding leader, delivered the opening 
night keynote address. Mumford said COR's mission is to 
legislate "the whole Bible for the whole world " Dennis 
Peacocke, key mover and shaker within COR. publicly 
pledged his allegiance to his shepherd Bob Mumford. At the 
opening plenary session Jay Grimstead inadvertently an- 
nounced that Peacocke will be organizing a non-public network 
of ministers united on a county-by-county basis. Peacocke 
declined to elaborate on the details of this project. 

“We're doing this on a very, very quiet basis." he said s • 

82. Taped interview with Peacocke. July 3. Id86. 

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At the NRB Convention: 

The Christian Underground 

By Michael O’Brien* 

The National Religious Broadcasters (NRB), the largest 
important umbrella organization of the religious Right, arose 
out of intense religious factional disputes in the 1940s. After 
much feuding with the relatively liberal Federal Council of 
Churches (later renamed the National Council of Churches), a 
number of fundamentalist churches established the National 
Association of Evangelicals (NAE) in 1942. Two years later, 
to counter the influence of the Federal Council of Churches in 
religious broadcasting, the NAE sponsored the creation of the 
NRB. In 1968 it had only 104 members, by 1980 there were 
900. 1 By the time of its 1986 conference, membership was up 
to 1,125. 2 

The NRB Board of Directors includes the most prominent 
members of the religious Right: Bill Bright, Jerry Falwell, 
Billy Graham, Jim Bakker, Tim LaHaye, Pat Robertson, and 
Jimmy Swaggart, among others. 

While purporting to be a national network of religious 
broadcasters, it is in fact among the largest activist coalitions 
of aggressive political organizations. Its fierce anticommun- 
ism provides a political motivation for its domestic and ex- 
tensive international political operations and for its work with 
groups such as the Moonies and the World Anti-Communist 
League. Recently their anticommunism has been updated with 
trendy diatribes against “secular humanists.” Under the cloak 
of religion NRB members have gained access both to favorable 
tax benefits for themselves and to home TV screens and 
radios of millions of Americans, which would otherwise have 
been impossible. 

The National Religious Broadcasters Convention was held 
February 2-5, 1986 at the Washington-Sheraton Hotel in 
Washington, D.C. It was organized on two levels, both 
literally and figuratively. Above ground in the main conference 
halls, the NRB hosted Congressmen, Senators, White House 
liaisons, FCC Commissioners, and luminaries of the reli- 
gious Right including Pat Robertson, Jerry Falwell, and Jimmy 

While the major public figures paraded about in the main 
sessions, the most interesting and continuing event of the 
convention took place underground in the cavernous exhibit 
halls, where over 300 organizations had set up shop. Here, 
amid elaborate corporate displays of state-of-the-arl electronic 
broadcasting hardware were the organizations representing the 

1 . Jeffrey K. Hadden and Charles E. Swann, Prime Time Preachers (Read- 
ing, Mass.: Addison- Wesley. 1981), pp. 80. 81. 

2. Religious Broadcasting, February 1986, p. 4. This is the official 

publication of the NRB. 

* Michael O'Brien is a researcher who has studied the religious Right for 
many years. 

32 CovertAction 

radical Christian vanguard of the movement. Many of the 
groups associated with the NRB "underground" and which 
participated in the main events, have attributes of the "shep- 
herding” organizations;'' some have links to the Moonies, 
some to anti-Semitic organizations. 

The NRB Underground 

One indication of the impact the extremist "underground" 
fringe of the religious Right has had on the NRB was sym- 
bolized by the New Wine magazine logo on the cover of the offi- 
cial folder distributed to convention participants. New Wine is 
the unofficial journal of the shepherding movement. Conven- 
tion documents included the February issue of New Wine, with 
a flattering cover story on Pat Robertson, whose Christian 
Broadcasting Network (CBN) and CBN University had exhibit 
booths. 4 

The New Wine presence at the conference was not the only 
indication that more was involved than mere broadcasting of 
religious messages. Taiwan. South Africa, and the National 
Guard sponsored prominent booths. High Frontier and an 
organization called Friends of the Americas (FOA) were also 
in attendance. 

High Frontier 

The High Frontier booth was staffed by Bruce Hallman, its 
“press director,” who noted, "We feel there’s a real turn- 
around on college campuses [in favor of Star Wars- — the 
Strategic Defense Initiative — for which High Frontier lob- 
bies).” 5 High Frontier’s director, retired Lt. Gen. Daniel 
Graham, the former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency 
and Vice-Chairman of the American branch of the World Anti- 
Communist League, is also a member of the National Advi- 
sory Board of Christian Voice. 6 An August 1986 press 
release from the Biblical News Service (which co-publishes 
with Christian Voice the Candidates and Presidential Biblical 
Scoreboard), lists Hallman as one of two responsible “con- 
tacts,” and gives an address at Christian Voice’s office at the 
Heritage Foundation. 

The other “contact” is David W. Balsiger. a member of the 
Steering Committee of the Coalition on Revival, President and 

3. See "Shepherding." in this issue. 

4. !n 1987 New Wine was succeeded by Christian Conquest, a new maga- 
zine run by Charles Simpson. The board of directors of New Wine in 1986 in- 
cluded Bob Mumford, Em Baxter, and Don Basham, who with publisher 
Simpson were four of the five shepherding founders. Contributing editors 
were Tulsa’s Terry Law; R.J. Rushdoony; John Beckett. President. Inter- 
cessors for America; and Larry Christenson. Lutheran charismatic and con- 
tributing editor of Word of God s New Covenant magazine. 

5. Washington Post. January 31 . 1986. 

6. See "Christian Voice," in this issue. 

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founder of the RAMBO Coalition, and leader of the Ban the 
Soviets Coalition which successfully prevented the Soviets 
from participating in the Los Angeles Olympic Games . 7 

Friends of the Americas 

Under a lurid display of photographs of Nicaraguan 
refugees was the double booth of Friends of the Americas 
(FOA). Its chairman, former Louisiana State Legislator Louis 
(Woody) Jenkins , 8 maintains extensive ties to the Christian 
Right through his position as Executive Director of the Council 
for National Policy (CNP ). 4 The CNP Board of Governors in- 
cludes Gen. John Singlaub, Oliver North (giving his address 
at the NSC), Pat Robertson (the current CNP President), Tim 
LaHaye (a former CNP President), retired Gen. Daniel 
Graham, Joseph Coors, and over three hundred others. 

Recent articles linked Woody Jenkins directly to private and 
CIA aid to the Honduras-based contras and MISURA. a contra 
organization of Miskito Indians; 11 ’ and, according to FOA’s 
Friends Report of Summer 1985, FOA Executive Director Di- 
ane Jenkins received the First Annual Ronald Reagan Human- 
itarian Award at the Nicaraguan Refugee Fund dinner on April 
15, 1985 in Washington, from the President himself. A Spe- 
cial Edition of the Friends Report of January 1986 lists FOA 
operations in Honduras, Mexico, Guatemala, Costa Rica, 
Colombia, and El Salvador. 

Gospel Crusade and Christian Retreat 

Also active at NRB were the Florida-based Gospel Crusade 
and its sister organization Christian Retreat, over which 
Gerald Derstine presides as president and director. Derstine 
is 3 prominent activist in the shepherding movement" and 
most of his international focus is on Central America with sin- 
gular hostility toward the Sandinista government, which has 
come under attack from his journal. Blessings. 

Derstine claims to have been active in Honduras for 20 
years and his son Phil recently delivered "3.000 boxes of relief 
(35 tons) to Nicaraguan refugees in Honduras." and discussed 
"the threat of Communism in Central America with the new 
President of Honduras, Jose Azcona .'’ 12 Gospel Crusade's 
Institute of Ministry was brought to Tegucigalpa in 1982, and 

' 7. Balsiger to-published the Presidential Biblical Scoreboard with Colonel 
V. Doner (the former Chief Strategist of Christian Voice, former National Di- 
rector of Christians for Reagan, and member of the Steering Committee of the 
Coalition on Revival), until Doner left for California to join his pastor Dennis 
Peacocke. Sec “Christian Voice" and "Shepherding." in this issue. The 
current Candidates Biblical Scorecard lists Christian Voice President Robert 
Grant as co-publisher with Balsiger. Grant had been a member of the Executive 
Committee of the Coalition for Religious Freedom, formed to lobby to keep 
Rev. Moon out of jail. 

8. Jenkins is also a member of The (Religious) Roundtable's Council of 56. 

9. A call to the telephone number listed for the CNP was referred to another 
number which is Jenkins's office. 

10 Village Voice. June 18. 1985; "Who's Behind the Aid to the Contras ", 
The Notion. October 6. 1984; "'Privatizing' the War." CAIB. Number 22 (Fall 
1984); and "Behind the Supply Line," CAIB. Number 25 (Winter 1986). See 
also Affidavit of Daniel Sheehan, December 12, 1986, submitted in the Chris- 
tie Institute suit on behalf of Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey, filed May 29. 
1986, U S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida 

1 1. Derstine lectured at the Maranatha training school as early as fall 1974 
and serves as Vice President of the National Leadership Conference which 
co-sponsored the nondenominational session of the New Orleans conference. 
The President of the NLC is Jamie Buckingham, editor-at-large of Charisma 
magazine. There are advertisements in Blessings for lectures at Christian 
Retreat by LaHaye, Lester Sumrall, Vinson Synan. Dick Iverson. Bob 
Weiner, George Otis, and Jamie Buckingham, among others 

12, The Truth . Nicaragua, a Gospel Crusade pamphlet, p. 9. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Phil Derstine (far left), with Adolfo Calero (center left) 
and Enrique Bermudez (center right), in what he 
described as the contras' “secret map room." Derstine 
said the FDN leaders asked him to obliterate the faces of 
two of the people in the photograph. He told CAIB that 
beginning in 1985 Lt. Col. Oliver North “set up" 
operations between Gospel Crusade and contra leaders. 
Gospel Crusade’s Nicaragua-related operations include: 
receiving U.S. military transport assistance for 100 tons 
of “humanitarian aid,” providing motivational training 
for contra troops, and giving taped debriefings to State 
Department or CIA officers following missions to the 
FDN in Honduras or Nicaragua. Derstine says he has 
visited contra camps “ten or twelve times” in the past 18 
months, and he has frequent private meetings with 
Honduran President Jose Antonio Azcona. 

has a 95-acre tract of land just north of the city where schools 
of ministry now are being held.” Derstine, his son. and his 
daughter Joanne visited a contra military camp inside Nicara- 
gua in 1985. 14 Derstine also claims 128 Gospel Crusade 
churches in Haiti; 1 ' but the scope of his interest in fighting 
communism is not limited to Latin America. The Fall 1985 
issue of Blessings features an article by Dan Wooding, the 
Chief Correspondent of Open Doors News Service, on his 
travels in socialist countries, and the Summer 1985 issue 
advertises a "Praise Filled" Bible study and Christian retreat 
tour to Israel with Gerald Derstine. 

Behind the growing operation is the SI million International 
Training Center which Derstine is completing at his Florida 
headquarters. It will house their Kingdom Living Institute, 
Pastoral Training School, and Missionary Training School, 
and will include a 5(X)-scat classroom and others that will 
accommodate 50-100 students. 1 '’ 

Christian Response International 

President Reagan's former White House liaison to the 
Christian Right operating out of the Office of Public Policy 

13. Ibid., p 6. 

14. Blessings. Fall 1985. 

15. Blessings. Summer 1985. p. 29 
16 Ibid.. Fall 1985. p 2.3. 

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Carolyn Sundseth, former White House liaison officer, 
held prayer meetings there. 

Liaison, 17 Carolyn Sundseth, is on the seven-member U.S. 
Board of Directors of Christian Response International (CR1). 
which also ran an exhibit booth at NRB. The Board includes 
Kentucky State Senator Tom Riner and Oklahoma Senator Don 
Nickles. 1 * CRI’s International Board of Reference includes 
Congressman Tony Hall, whose brother Sam was recently 
arrested in Nicaragua for espionage. Iy CRI, the U.S. affiliate 
of Christian Solidarity International, established in Zurich in 
1977, was incorporated in 1983 and is mostly involved in 
support of its Christian allies in socialist countries. 

CRTs International Reference Board includes David 
Atkinson and Paul Vankerkhoven. Atkinson, a Conservative 
member of the British Parliament, is Chairman of the British 
Section of the International Society of Human Rights (ISHR). 
whose newsletter of October/November 1986 claimed that 
under the Sandinistas censorship has been "far greater than 
that under Somoza." He has “urged Western invasion of Cuba 
or South Yemen if [the] Soviets do not withdraw from 
Afghanistan.” 20 The International Advisory Committee of the 
ISHR includes Otto von Habsburg, a major European support- 
er of the World Anti-Communist League groups in Europe, 
Vankerkhoven, a member of the European Parliament, and 
long-time stalwart of the European extreme Right, was a 
founder of the League Internationale de la Liberte. the Belgian 
branch of the World Anti-Communist League, which hosted 
the 1983 and 1986 WACL conferences. 21 

17. In September |y85 Sundseth left her White House post to work for the 
presidential campaign of Pat Robertson as Outreach Director ol Americans lor 

18. Riner is a member of the (Religious) Roundtable: Nickles serves as a 
Senatorial Adviser of the National Defense Council Foundation headed by 
Andy Messing, a member of the advisory board of the U.S. branch of the 
World Anti-Communist League 

19. Other members of CRI's International Board of Reference include: 
David Breese, President of Christian Destiny and a member of the National 
Advisory Board of Christian Voice: Rep. Christopher Smith (Rcp.-N.J.), 
Congressional Advisor to Christian Voice: Joon Gon Kim. Director of South 
East Asia for Campus Crusade for Christ: D. James Kennedy, member of the 
(Religious) Roundtable, former member of the Executive Committee of the 
Coalition for Religious Freedom: and Sen Paul Triblc (Rep.-Va ). Sam Hall 
was declared mentally unfit to stand trial and released by the Nicaraguans in 
January 1987. 

20. Andrew Roth. Parliamentary Profile*. 1985. 

21. On Vankerkhoven sec generally Article 31 (Paris). November 1986, pp, 
13. 14: and Serge Dumont. Les Brigades Noires. Brussels, 1983. 

34 CovertAction 

CRI has established a steering committee to guide its legal 
efforts on behalf of "oppressed Christians." It includes 
Michael Farris, attorney for Concerned Women for America. 22 
Farris, a member of the Steering Committee of the Coalition on 
Revival, was interviewed on Pat Robertson’s 700 Club in 
March 1986 complaining about "religious discrimination 
against Christians.” He represents the Tennessee plaintiffs 
who want to have creationism taught as science in the public 

CRI claims it was responsible for bringing to the United 
States from Romania Father Gheorghe Calciu, who had been a 
professor at the Orthodox Theological Seminary in Bucha- 
rest. 21 According to Rev. Moon's New York City Tribune,' 4 
Calciu had been "jailed from 1948 to 1964 lor alleged lascist 
activities,” and had become a priest only in 1972. The Septem- 
ber 1985 Response featured a photograph of Calciu with his 
arms around CRI Director Jeffrey Collins and Tony Hall along 
with Congressmen Wolf and Smith “at a CRI luncheon held on 
Capitol Hill soon after Calciu’s arrival in the United States." 

Youth With a Mission 

Carolyn Sundseth had been a member of Youth with a Mis- 
sion (YWAM), a prominent group also with shepherding 
characteristics, which distributed literature at the NRB. When 
YWAM celebrated its 25th anniversary in 1985 Sundseth was 
there to read a letter from Reagan praising YWAM for "a justly 
renowned reputation for upholding the principles ol morality 
and the spiritual values which have traditionally guided our 

YWAM literature distributed at the NRB conference cites 
support from Campus Crusade's Bill Bright. Pat Robertson, 
Tim LaHaye, NRB Executive Director Ben Armstrong, and 
U.S. Ambassador William Middendorf. YWAM was lounded 
in 1960 by Loren Cunningham. By 1970 the first YWAM 
training center was established in Lausanne, Switzerland and 
over 100 exist today in over 50 countries as springboards for 
mission. Most offer the basic Discipleship Training School 
and attract an international student body. 21 YWAM was soon 
working with Vietnamese refugees and claims that "since 
1979 U.N. authorities have given YWAM teams responsibil- 
ity for medical aid, food and clothing distribution, vocational 
rehabilitation, language and cultural adjustment classes, child 
care, and administration in refugee camps both in Thailand and 
Hong Kong.” 26 

Until recently, the U.S. armed forces were closed to some 
forms of evangelism because of the requirement that chaplains 
be sponsored by a sizable and recognized religious organiza- 
tion. Thus a number of right wing charismatic groups banded 
together to form the Dallas-based Chaplaincy Full Gospel 
Church. 27 Among the Church’s "spiritual advisers" are Loren 

22. Response. July-August 1985. This is CRI's official journal, published 
from its Rockville, Maryland headquarters. Concerned Women lor America is 
run by Tim LaHayc's wile. Beverly. 

23. Response. Scptcmbcr-Octobcr 1985. 

24. January 22, 1986. 

25. GO, a glossy color- illustrated manual distributed at NRB. undated, p. 

26. Ibid., at 78. 

27. Its Senior Military Advisors include retired Brig. Gen. Charles M. 
Duke, Jr., and Col. H. Speed Wilson (who is active in FGBMFI). Castors/ 
Spiritual Leaders backing it include: Larry Lea. Kenneth Copeland. Bob 
Tilton. Loren Cunningham, Jim Jackson, Jerry Horner (CBN), Earl Paulk. A. 
W. Rasmussen. Gwen Shaw, and Del Browning. The director ts L. It 
("Jim") Ammcrman. who was invited by Bob Weiner to address the Maranatha 
session in New Orleans. See "Shepherding." in this issue. 

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Cunningham. Larry Lea. and Kenneth Copeland. Cunningham 
also spoke at the Maranatha session at the New Orleans con- 
ference of the North American Congress on the Holy Spirit. 
(See sidebar.) 

Among the literature distributed by YWAM at the NRB 
conference was the "GO Manual: Global Opportunities in 
Youth With A Mission." The 125-page booklet lists available 
posts in YWAM projects around the world. 2X The concluding 
16 pages list 190 YWAM international addresses from 
American Samoa to Zimbabwe, with contact names, but in- 
cludes the caveat on every other page to not mention YWAM in 
the address. 

Church on the Rock 

Another church exhibiting at the conference was Larry 
Lea's Church on the Rock, based in Rockwell. Texas, which 
began in 1980 and now claims over 1 1.000 members. Pastor 
Lea. who is featured on the cover ol the October 1986 issue ol 
Charisma magazine, is a member ol the COR steering com- 
mittee and is to become the new' Dean ol the Oral Roberts 
School of Theology.’'* 

Lea's church works in El Salvador with Cubic Ward's 
Paralife Ministries of Ft. Worth. Texas. '" Ward presented a 
paper at the COR convention on "Opportunities in El Salvador 
for God's Redemptive Purpose." The June 1986 issue ol 
Ward's newsletter. Living Wonts thanked God tor one per- 
ipatetic example of the substance of this "purpose 

God sends many ministries to El Salvador to achieve His 

own specific purpose One such ministry, headed by 

evangelist John Steer, completed an eight day tour of twelve 
military bases. Over 3,7(X) men. whose average age was 
eighteen, heard from { this ) ex-soldier (Vietnam Veteran) 
how much God loves the soldier.... 

Brother John Steer spoke of his experience in Vietnam. .. 

! He explained that... killing for the joy of it was wrong, but 
killing because it was necessary to light against an anti- 
Christ system, communism, was her John Steer spoke ol his 
experience in Vietnam.... 

He explained that... killing for the joy of it was wrong, but 
killing because it was necessary to tight against an anti- 
Christ system, communism, was not only right but a duty 
of every Christian. 

Intercessors for America 

Lea has been given extensive space in the newsletter ol In- 
tercessors for America (IFA), whose President John Beckett 
is also on the steering committee of COR. ' 1 The IFA, based 
in Reston. Virginia, organizes prayers for God to “intercede" 

28 YVVAM’s international headquarters arc in Kailua-Kona, Hawaii. From 
a missionary center in Hong Kong it says it sends operatives throughout 
Asia, including Korea. Japan. Indonesia. Thailand. People's Republic ot 
China. Mongolia, the U.S.S.R.. India. Sri Lanka, and Nepal. In its January 
1986 issue World Christian magazine (pp. 19 IT. ) described YWAM: 
"Scattered in 60 countries ol the world are 5. KM) long-term YWAM mis- 
sionaries and 190 permanent YWAM bases. Last year, the organization sent 
out a whopping 13.000 short-term missionaries, more than any other mis- 

29. Charisma. October 1986. 

30. See the advertisement in Living Words. September October 1986. Vol. 
2. No. 3. at p. 8. The cooperation of the two groups was further confirmed in 
conversations with Paralife staff. 

31 . Beckett is also a contributing editor of New Wine and a member of the 
Board of Directors of the (Religious) Roundtable 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Larry Lea. 

for America by fulsome endorsements ol Star Wars and all 
other elements of the Reagan military and foreign policy- 
agenda. IFA distinguishes itself by a singular interest in 
Freemasonry, a favorite "conspiracy to the ullra-Right. which 
often writes of the "Jew ish-Musonic (. onspiracy. 

IFA's executive director. Gary Bergel. who has been 
published on recent occasions in Larry lomezak s People aj 
Destiny magazine, also exhibited at NRB. lomezak. a former 
Catholic, and member of the COR Steering Committee, was 
also a speaker at the New Orleans Conference where he ad- 
dressed a session of the Association ot International Mission 
Services workshop. 

Other Groups 

A number of other groups prominent at the NRB conference 
are discussed at length in Sara Diamond's "Shepherding.' in 
this issue. They include: Maranalha. People ol Destiny In- 
ternational. and Great Commission International • 

32. See, for example, the May 1986 isviie ol the II A newsletter l be til 
tra-Right rarely discusses members ol then own group who arc m\ol\cd with 
factions of the Masons, including Jesse Helms, and members ot the 
notorious fascist Italian P-2 Masonic lodge. 

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“Moon’s Law : 

“God Is Phasing Out Democracy” 

By Fred Clarkson* 

Over the years, Reverend Sun Myung Moon, the founder, 
spiritual leader, and titular head of the vast Unification 
Church conglomerate, has repeatedly declared that his goal is 
global theocracy. He has expressed his desire for political and 
economic control originating from centralized religious power. 
Moon and his organization have been consistent in their efforts 
to carry out this vision. They are not always successful, but 
they persist. What is essential to understand about the Unifi- 
cation Church and its related operations is that its religion and 
its politics are virtually inseparable. Equally important to 
understand is that the Moon organization 1 is an integral part 
of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). which in turn 
has played a pivotal role in the development and activities of 
the Unification Church. 

In the U.S. the Moon organization has sought allies on 
many fronts, notably the New Right, and particularly the 
religious Right. These efforts have met with mixed success, 
but there is no doubt that it has made deep inroads into 
American political life. Where they intend going may be 
gauged by Moon's sermons. In 1973, for example, he de- 
clared, “My dream is to organize a Christian political party, 
including the Protestant denominations and Catholics, and all 
the other religious sects.” 2 3 

The purpose of this article is to detail the religious and 
political origins of the Moon phenomenon in the U.S. in order 
to clarify the more confusing elements. 1 

Inside the League 

The World Anti-Communist League (WACL) is an inter- 
national coalition of fascist and conservative groups and 
political parties founded in 1966 by agents of the governments 
of Taiwan and South Korea. 4 One of the original groups was 

1 . The Moon organization is the term used by the congressional com- 
mittees investigating the "Koreagatc" scandal in the mid 1970s. It is used here 
With the assumption that the various Moon enterprises, including the church, 
operate with a high degree of central coordination and common purpose. 

2. Investigation of Korean-American Relations. Report of the Sub- 
committee on International Organizations of the Committee on International 
Relations, U.S. House of Representatives. October 31, 1978 (hereafter, the 
Fraser Report), p. 315. 

3. A list of the many Moon fronts is available for $1.00 and a self- 
addressed stamped envelope from Steve Hassan, Box 45032. Somerville, MA 

4. Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson. Inside The League (New York: 
Dodd Mead, 1986) is the first book-length expose of the World Anti 
Communist League. It details the role of the Moon organization, as well as the 

•Fred Clarkson is a free-lance journalist based in Washington. DC 

36 CovertAction 

the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL). Its 
Japanese affiliate, Shokvo Ren go. became a WACL chapter in 
1 968. Shokvo Rengo (Victory Over Communism) began after a 
1967 meeting between Sun Myung Moon, Ryiochi Sasakawa. 
Yoshio Kodama, and two of his lieutenants. Kodama was the 
head of Japanese organized crime, the Yakuza. One of the 
lieutenants, Osami Kuboki, became head of the Unification 
Church in Japan, as well as a leader in WACL. Soon after- 
ward, WACL began indoctrinating young Yakuza gang mem- 
bers in anticommunist ideology similar to what the Moon or- 
ganization was already doing in Korea with government offi- 
cials. Sasakawa. an important World War II Japanese fascist 
leader, became the head of Shokvo Rengo. and Kodama its 
chief advisor. 

Sasakawa's relationship to the Moon organization, which 
dates back to 1958. continues to this day, including ongoing 
financing of both the Unification Church and Shokvo Rengo. 
which is controlled by the Church. 

Sasakawa, Kodama, and other important “Class A" war 
criminals were mysteriously released from Suganio prison 
only a year and a half after World War II. They went on to found 
the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and have played prominent 
roles since. One fellow inmate, Nobusuke Kishi, became a 
prime minister. In 1959. Kishi helped establish a quusi- 
govemmental, boat-racing/gambling franchise, which he gave 
to Sasakawa. who grew fantastically rich from the proceeds. 
Kishi was also the prime mover in establishing APACL in 
Japan and remained active in WACL throughout the 1960s, 
serving as chairman of the planning committee in 1970. 

Sasakawa was described by U.S. Army intelligence as 
“one of the most active fascist organizers prior to the war." In 
the 1930s both Sasakawa and Kodama were jailed: Sasakawa 
for plotting the murder of a former premier, and Kodama for 
plotting the murder of a prime minister. Kodama was a 
notorious war profiteer and Japanese intelligence agent in 
China. “His long and fanatic involvement in ultra-nationalist 
activities, violence included, and his skill in appealing to 
youth make him a man who, if released from internment, 
would surely be a grave security risk . 

involvement of Nazi war criminals, fascist governments. American racists. 
Latin American death squad leaders, and other extremist and criminal 
elements that comprise much of the League's membership. This book is es- 
sential reading for anyone interested in the political context, and activities of 
the Moon organization. Sec also CAIB Number 25 (Winter 1986). lor a dis- 
cussion of WACL aid to the Nicaraguan contras. 

5. Anderson, up. tit., n. 4. pp. 61. 62. 

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Meanwhile, the first Moon missionaries arrived in the U.S. 
in 1959. By the early 1960s. Moon fronts had been established 
and were working in collaboration with the Korean Central In- 
telligence Agency (KCIA). Indeed, shortly after the military 
coup which elevated Park Chung Hee to power in 1961, his 
KCIA director (and founder). Kim Jong Pil, stated that he in- 
tended to “organize and utilize” the Unification Church as a 
"political tool” (see sidebar), according to the October .11, 
1978 Report of the Subcommittee on International Organiza- 
tions of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, known as the 
Fraser Report. 6 

The Fraser Report, a House of Representatives investigation 
into Korean covert operations in the U.S.. chaired by Donald 
Fraser (Dem.-Minn.), reveals that one of the early KCIA/ 
Moon projects was the Korean Cultural Freedom Foundation 
(KCFF). The ostensibly non-profit organization quickly turned 
from a "cultural" to a political operation under the influence of 
"Honorary Chairman" Kim Jong Pil. who wanted the "Freedom 
Center” in Seoul, South Korea to be its principal project. Thus, 
by the spring of 1964, KCFF was raising funds from 
Americans for the Freedom Center, which was. in fact, an 
APACL project promoted and subsidized by the Korean gov- 
ernment with at least $796, 231. 7 The Freedom Center serves 
as the "secretariat" of WACL to this day. 

In 1966. KCFF launched another KCIA project. Radio Of 
Free Asia (ROFA). which broadcast anticommunist pro- 
gramming to the region. The Korean government provided the 
broadcast facilities, and the KCIA controlled the programming 
through their psychological warfare section, called the "7th 
Bureau." 8 During its period of organization. Lt. Col Bo Hi 
Pak. a military attache at the Korean Embassy in Washington, 
actually ran KCFF. despite a series of American figureheads 
fronting the Freedom Center and ROFA fundraising cam- 
paigns. Pak had been given a special discharge from the Ko- 
rean Army, apparently to devote full time to KCFF in Wash- 
ington. He was among Moon's principal operatives as well, 
and used KCFF for Church purposes. KCFF hoodwinked a 
number of prominent Americans, including former presidents 
Eisenhower and Truman to serve on its advisory board. Using 
their names, KCFF raised funds for their projects and some 
money was apparently skimmed to fund the Unification 
Church. y 

The International Federation for Victory Over Communism 
(IFVC) was formed in 1968 in Seoul. This was Moon’s 
principal political organization. Sliokyo Rengo. the Japanese 
affiliate, was also formed in 1968. The American affiliate was 
incorporated in Washington, D C. in 1969 as the Freedom 
Leadership Foundation (FLF). Shokyo Rengo hosted the 1970 
WACL Conference in Tokyo, for which Moon claimed to have 
raised $1.4 million. 111 FLF President Allen Tate Wood 
attended as a "youth delegate" with several American Moon- 
ies. He later broke with Moon, gave press conferences de- 
nouncing Moon, and testified before the Fraser Committee. 
While visiting Korea on the same trip. Wood was instructed 
by Moon to "win the power centers" of the U.S. for him, 
beginning with academia." Moon also told him that "part of 

6. Fraser Report, pp. I IX, 354. 

7. Ibid., pp. 171. 357-58. 

X . Ibid 

9. Ibid pp 357-.SX. 

It). Ibid., pp. 319-20. 

II. Press Statement by Allen Tate Wood. November IS. 1979 (hereafter 
Wood Press Statement). 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Moon stands before his prime target. 

our strategy in the U.S. must be to make friends in the FBI. the 
CIA and police forces, the military and business communi- 
ty... as a means of entering the political arena, influencing 
foreign policy, and ultimately of establishing absolute do- 
minion over the American people." 1 ' 

According to the Fraser Report, political operations in the 
U.S. were at first opposed by religious "purists" in the Unifi- 
cation Church. However it was "pointed out to them that the 
Church in Japan and Korea carried extensive anticommunist 
political programs. They were told it was Master's expressed 
desire to begin political work in the United States. Thereafter, 
a member's objection to political activities was considered 
infidelity to Master and was like being disobedient to God." 1 1 

In 1971. Moon came to the U.S. after his immigration dif- 
ficulties were overcome through the intervention of Senator 
Strom Thurmond (Rep.-S.C.). who had spoken at Moon's 
1970 WACL conference in Tokyo. Based on interviews with 
ex-Moonies. Robert Boettcher, the staff director of the Fraser 
Committee, wrote that Moon was "appalled" by American in- 
dividualism. and he considered relocating to Germany, where 
people “were trained in totalism." Some former members 
recall that Nazi films on organizing Hitler Youth were shown 
as examples to Moonie leaders. Nothing was more important 
than developing a cadre of strong leaders totally subservient to 
his will." 14 

12. Ripon Forum. January 1983. 

13. Fraser Report, p. 320. 

14. Robert Boettcher. (lifts of Drct* if (New York: Molt. Rinehart anil 
Winston. 1980). p 166 

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Wood has said that "[u]nder the aegis of American Youth 
for a Just Peace (AYJP)... set up by myself and a man named 
Charles Stephens, the Unification Church carried out ex- 
tensive lobbying in the spring of 1970. This lobbying was 
carried out by church members under orders from their 
superiors... to try to indicate to Congress... strong grassroots 
support for a hard line in Vietnam." He also emphasized that 
because “the church's tax exempt status would be threatened if 
we carried out our political activities openly, we were careful to 
hide our real identity behind the guise of AYJP. During this 
time, AYJP received ‘anonymous - donations from 'friends of 
the President’ [Nixon] through connections with Charles Col- 
son and Jeb Magruder. So the Unification Church in the 1970s 
was the recipient of money to carry out the programs of the 

“Mr. Moon has said," continued Wood, "that 'God is 
phasing out democracy.' Well, whether or not God is doing it, 
it is clear that Sun Myung Moon wants to do this... so right 
now, the United States is acting as a seedbed for fascist relig- 
ious cults whose objective is in the end to destroy the Consti- 
tution, and remake America in the image of an autocratic hier- 
archical fascist state." 1 '' 

15. Wood Press Statement. 

David Finzer addresses WACL conference. 

Finzer and MNR 

t David Finzer is also involved in the counterrevolutionary 
war against Mozambique. There are two factions of the Mo- 
zambique National Resistance (MNR or Renamo). The first, 
led by Mozambican exile Artur Vilankulu. is endorsed by the 
Conservative Action Foundation and some State Department 
officials. David Finzer, secretary-general of the World Youth 
Freedom League, the WACL youth affiliate, has assured the 
press that even Gen. John Singlaub supports this faction. 

However, to cover its bets, the CIA, along with the Heritage 
Foundation and South Africa, is backing a second MNR group 
with offices in the Heritage Foundation's Washington build- 
ing. Luis B. Serapiao, also a Mozambican exile who is an 
associate professor of African studies at Howard University, 
is the spokesperson for this group, which has also enlisted 
the aid of Bishop Abel Muzorewa of Zimbabwe. • 

38 CovertAction 

In 1975, Moon publicly denounced WACL as "fascist" and 
purportedly withdrew; however, this was most likely simply 
an effort to keep a lower profile. The Washington Post, cover- 
ing the 1978 WACL conference in Washington, reported that 
the Unification Church was absent and no longer involved. 1 '' 
However, a Unification Church minister hired buses lor 
CIA-connected Cuban exiles to attend, according to interviews 
with the Cubans by Jeff Stein, writing in New York maga- 
zine. 17 It is clear that the Moon organization never really left 
WACL. Osami Kuboki has been a member of the WACL ex- 
ecutive board for many years, and even hosted the 1982 WACL 
conference in Japan. 

Significantly, the youth section of WACL, currently headed 
by David Finzer 1 " of the Washington-based Conservative 
Action Foundation, has reportedly received a grant from the 
South Korean WACL chapter. 11 ' Finzer' s group is providing 
seminars on “political technology” for WACL Youth, and 
originated the Chevron/Gulf boycott — a campaign which re- 
ceived support from the RAMBO Coalition (see sidebar in 
“Shepherding,” in this issue)— designed to highlight the 
efforts of Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA to overthrow the gov- 
ernment of Angola. 

“An Automatic Theocracy” 

While WACL generally promotes fascist political pro- 
grams, when the Moon organization is involved, the mes- 
sages released are more explicitly theocratic. Essentially, 
Moon’s followers believe he is the new Messiah, the second 
coming, not of Jesus but of the Messiah. Moon says that God 
told him: “You are the son I have been seeking, the one who 
can begin my eternal history." 70 He says that God has 
revealed his plan to him and that he has spoken with Jesus. 
Moses, and other great historical religious figures. 

Moon intends to bend the U.S. to “God's will," which will 
lead to a final war with Soviet communism, and finally to the 
Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. According to The Divine 
Principle, the basic theological work of Unificationism. World 
War III is “inevitable". This war may be fought with weapons, 
or with “ideology,” in order to “subjugate and unify the Satanic 
world." The organization created to refine and promote this 
ideology appears to be CAUSA (see sidebar) which the 
Unification News describes as an "ideological movement," 
which "unites all religious people as a God-accepting force 
against the God-denying forces such as communism" 71 

The Divine Principle denounces the tripartite constitutional 
system of western democracies, stating that "Since the Con- 
stitution is not made of God's words" the three branches of 
government “cannot help opposing and conflicting with one 
another, and lack mutual harmony and order." 

Moreover, in 1973, Moon said that "American style 
democracy” is “a good nursery for the growth of commun- 
ism." 77 fen years later he told his annual International Con- 
ference for the Unity of the Sciences (ICUS) that "neither 
Democracy nor Communism provides the means to cure the 
ills of society.... Not only has Democracy been unsuccessful 

16. Paul Valentine. "The Fascist Specter Behind the World Anti-Red 
League," Washington Past. May 28. 1978 

17. New York Magazine, September It), 1979. 

18. See "Christian Voice." in this issue, 

19. Searchlight, October 1986. 

20. Boettcher, op. cil., n. 14. p. 31. 

21. Church and State. May 1986. 

22. Fraser Report, p. 314. 

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at this task, but it has proved itself unable to resist and over- 
come the destructiveness of Communism.... What is needed 
is a third alternative, a movement based on a new understand- 
ing of truth... this is the Unification Movement, with Unifica- 
tion ideology. -0 ' 

Echoing Moon and The Divine Principle. Bo Hi Pak told an 
audience composed largely of retired American and Asian 
military officers in May 1985. "We believe we are at war. This 
Third World War began long ago. This war will not be fought 
just militarily. A fundamental characteristic of this war. we 
feel is the ideological battle." Evidently referring to the Soviet 
Union he continued, "The enemy of our Ircedoms and our faith 
in God regards this war as total war. and he feels bound by 
none of our religious convictions of right behavior. He utilizes 
everything as a weapon in this war. not only in the military 
field, but also in the areas of politics, economics, education, 
communications media, arts, and even sports." He called it an 
"inevitable showdown" that "may occur with the next ten 

2.1 j "Absolute Values and the New Cultural Resolution." 12th International 
Conference on the Unitv of the Sciences. Chicago, Illinois. 19X3. pp. 17-18. 

Thus the Moon organization has been consistent over the 
years, from their basic book through the speeches o I the Mas- 
ter and his most prominent disciple. One lormer member 
observed that Moon's teachings "were often referred to by 
other members as an ideology' that would change the political 
systems of the world. It was made clear to me that so long as 
the church-related aspects of the group were emphasized. 
Moon's followers would be in a protected position as far as 
first amendment religious freedom was concerned, and be able 
to take advantage of the tax laws as well." J 

Moon's theocratic aspirations are well documented in a 
series of speeches and sermons from the 1970s. compiled 
under the title Master Speaks. In 1973. for example. Moon 
declared that "|w|hen it comes to our age. we must have an 
automatic theocracy to rule the world. So we cannot separate 
the political field from the religious ... Separation between 
religion and politics is what Satan likes most." In Moon's 
kingdom, Korea would be the central nation; the Rome of a new 
Empire. What is more. "In the ideal world centered upon God. 
everyone will speak only Korean, so no interpreter will he 

24. Fraser Report, p. 316. 

The CAUSA Kingdom 

CAUSA is the principal political arm of the Unification 
Church. It was founded in 1980. following an exploratory 
tour of Latin America countries, during which Bo Hi Pak 
met with key rightwing and military leaders. CAUSA’s 
main activities from 1980-1982 were arranging ideological 
indoctrination seminars for political, military, and other 
leadership groups all over the continent. In 1983, CAUSA 
North America was founded, and began organizing similar 
seminars in the U S. Although originally known as the 
Confederation of the Associations for the Unification of the 
Societies of the Americas, by this time the"Unification”had 
been changed to "Unity" in an apparent effort to distance 
CAUSA from the taint of the church. 

Whatever its name, control til the organization by the 
Unification Church has been continuous. The directors of 
CAUSA International are all serious Church members. 
According to an internal CAUSA strategy memo dated Jan- 
uary 1984, 1 , the CAUSA directors proposed to "cooperate 
so as to best support Our True Parents [Mr. and Mrs. 
Moon] and Colonel Pak in this campaign to find 70 million 

members We in CAUSA have been called by True 

Parents to participate in a most crucial campaign which will 
focus upon recruiting 70 million members within the com- 
ing two years." The "directors" of CAUSA are the de- 
partment heads within the organization. The "principal par- 
ticipants" in the meetings which led to drafting the 
document were: Antonio Betancourt. Thomas Ward. Wil- 
liam Lay. Joe Tully. Takeshi Furuta. Frank Grow, Celia 
Roomet, Roger Johnstone, David Decker, and Tony Co- 
lombrito. Significantly, the CAUSA directors planned to 
leam from "the Japan IFVC's (International Federation tor 
Victory over Communism, or Sliokyo Rengo) drive for 3.5 
million members.” The IFVC model was to aim for leaders, 
mostly political leaders "and when the leader committed 
himself, he also committed his movement." 

Takeshi Furuta is apparently the key liaison between the 

I CBS News. "West S7th Street." May 14. 1986. 

Japanese and the American organizations. While a director 
of CAUSA. Furuta was a member of the Japanese delega- 
tion to the 1985 WACL conference in Dallas. At the I98(i 
WACL conference. Osami Kuboki. Furuta. and their wives 
were the Japanese delegates. 

Meanwhile, the CAUSA regional advisors attending the 
1985 U.S. CAUSA conference in San Francisco, were also 
all Unification Church ministers. On the agenda of events 
for 1984. along with numerous ideological conferences, 
was a media tour of Asia, ostensibly under the auspices of 
the World Media Conference (WMC). WMC is purportedly 
a project of News World Communications, the parent com- 
pany of the Washington Times. However the CAUSA 
document suggests that it was planned, if not organized by 
CAUSA. The Asian tour was led by former U.S Ambas- 
sador to Japan Douglas MacArthur. and delegates met with 
Japanese Prime Minister Nakasone. among other leaders in 
Asia. Similar tours have been organized to Central Ameri- 
ca. Western Europe, and the Soviet Union. 

Once limited to the Western Hemisphere, since 1983 
CAUSA has become a global project with significant activi- 
ties on every continent. The general thrust of the CAUSA 
seminar is anti-communist education from a historical per- 
spective. The CAUSA antidote to communism is "God- 
ism", which is simply the Unification Church philosophy 
without Moonist mythology. 

Bo Hi Pak offered a CAUSA perspective of the Godist or 
Moonist Kingdom, when speaking of Paraguayan dictator 
Gen. Alfredo Strocssner. "I believe lie's a special man. 
chosen by God to run his country."' This echoes an earlier 
revelation by Moon who said of the 1901 military coup of 
Korean dictator Park Chung Hee: "God set up a powerful 
new leader, the present president of this Korea, and the new 
order in our society.” 1 • 

2. Christianity and Crisis . October 2X. l l )X5 

3. Fraser Report, p. 353 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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necessary.” 25 

Moon’s religion-is-everything ideology includes the econ- 
omy. He says that under his system, “even in Japan and 
Germany, the people will not buy products from their own 
country, but will buy according to centralized instructions. 
What kind of system of thought or economy can function to 
give these centralized instructions'? Religion is the only 
system that can do that.” 26 

Moonism also transcends biology. Church members are 
considered the “True Family" and Moon and his wife are the 
"True Parents.” Members celebrate as birthdays the day they 
joined the Church. Anthropologist Willa Appel has written of 
messianic cults and how this aspect is characteristic of many 
groups: “For both messiah and followers, entrance into a 
messianic movement constitutes spiritual rebirth. The mes- 
siah is reborn as God’s Second Son, his followers as his 
children. The recruitment process that the messiah undergoes 
is repeated by his followers. They too are required to give 
themselves up to God (in the person of his stand-in, the 
messiah) and forced to renounce their pasts, worldly pos- 
sessions, attachments and ideas,” As for the messiah. “He 
is the Savior, destined to rescue the world from imminent de- 
struction and they are the Chosen People who will implement 
his mission.” 27 

“A Movement Like Le Pen’s” 

Moon’s political operations have taken many forms, in 
Brazil, for example, CAUSA/Brazil has organized a long-term 
campaign to collect eight million signatures on an “anti- 
communist manifesto.” They plan to use these petitions to 
pressure the Brazilian Congress. 28 At stake is the Brazilian 
Constitution, which is to be drafted by the new Congress. The 
head of CAUSA/Brazil says 57 candidates received “logistical 
but not financial support.” He said "we are forming the future 
base for a large party, though at present we are still apolitical” 
and “we wanted to form a movement like Le Pen’s in 
France.” 29 

Le Pen is the leader of the fascist National Front which, 
according to the British journal Searchlight, has close ties to 
the Moon organization. Searchlight reported that "according to 
Le Pen’s estranged wife, CAUSA is an important financier of 
the National Front.” The head of CAUSA in France was a 
member of the French delegation to the 1 986 W ACL conference 
in Luxembourg. 10 

CAUSA conducts petition campaigns in the U.S., although 
its petitioners are often very secretive about their affiliations. 
They frequently refuse to identify themselves or to say what 

25. Ibid., p. 314. 

26. Ibid., p. 315. 

27. Willa Appel, Culls in America (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 
1983) pp. 49-50. The Moon organization has used classic brainwashing tech- 
niques to gain and keep recruits. Bereaved parents and friends have 
sometimes resorted to various forms of “deprogramming.'' This moral and 
legal twilight zone has been much discussed elsewhere. Appel's book de- 
scribes how various forms of cult brainwashing work. This is significant in 
this story because of the religious and political totalitarianism advocated by 
the Moon organization. 

28. Protestant fundamentalist and Pentecostal sects in Brazil also organ- 
ized to try to influence the November 1986 elections. Alarmed about the pur- 
pose of this activism, the Catholic Church wrote to the Vatican: "There are 
indications this was part of American geo-political strategy as well as that of 
nationalist, or rightwing military governments. Certain groups may have been 
infiltrated by the CIA.” Independent (London), October 8, 1986. 

29. Ibid. 

30. Searchlight . October 1986. 

40 CovertAction 

the petitions will be used for. In Madison. Wisconsin for ex- 
ample, a Moonie would not tell a reporter “who would have 
access to the information, or what purposes the names and 
addresses would serve."' 1 However, internal CAUSA strat- 
egy documents, originally revealed by CBS News.' 2 suggest a 
broader purpose (see sidebar on CAUSA). The November 
1986 CAUSA newsletter claimed that “7.5 million Americans 
have signed the CAUSA petition, stating their agreement with 
CAUSA’s goal to affirm a God-centered morality, uphold 
freedom for all, and educate people about the dangers of 
atheistic communism." 

The Moon organization has a long history of electoral activ- 
ism. The Fraser Report noted that they, in alliance with 
“powerful rightwing figures in Japan, such as Ryiochi Sasa- 
kawa,... openly participated in election campaigns there."" 
Even before Moon came to the U S., he had high ambitions. 
Allen Tate Wood told the Fraser committee that the Moon 
organization sought to gain enough influence in the U.S. to be 
able to “dictate policy on major issues, to influence legisla- 
tion, and to move into electoral politics.”' 4 

After American Youth for a Just Peace was disbanded in 

1971, its co-founder Charles Stephens moved to New York, 
and ran (unsuccessfully), first for the State legislature in 

1972, and for Congress in 1974. In both campaigns. FLF pro- 
vided “volunteers.” Also in 1974, the Moon organization pro- 
vided considerable support for Republican Louis Wyman in 
his unsuccessful bid for the U.S. Senate seat from New 
Hampshire. Wyman reportedly promised to hire a church 
member for his staff if he won." Vengeful Moonies eonverged 
on Minnesota in 1978 in a successful effort to defeat Rep. Don 
Fraser, the sponsor of the congressional investigative report 
on Koreagate, in the Democratic Senate primary.' 6 Moon 
called Fraser’s defeat an “act of God.” 

The Moon organization's party of choice has always been 
the Republicans, and the New Right of the GOP in particular. 
This relationship, epitomized by Moon's VIP seat at the first 
Reagan inaugural, has been denounced repeatedly by the mod- 

31. The Daily Cardinal, September 25. I486 

32. CBS News, “West 57th Street,” May 14. 1986. 

33. Fraser Report, p. 319. 

34. Ibid., p. 312. 

35. Boettcher, op. cit.. n. 14. pp. 162-64. 

36. The Nation, March 31, /979. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Congressman Donald Fraser (Dem.-Minn.) during 
Koreagate hearings. 

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crate Republican Ripon Society. Ripon president Rep. Jim 
Leach (Rep. -Iowa) wrote that the "ties between the New Right 
and Moon undercut the New Right's raison d'etre. A political 
movement basing its appeal on old-tashioned patriotism and 
family values simply cannot justity alliance with a cult that 
preys on the disintegration of the American family and 
advocates allegiance to an international social order operating 
with cell-like secrecy.”' 7 

The FLF. though apparently supplanted by CAUSA as 
Moon’s U.S. political arm. is still occasionally active. In 
May 1984 FLF paid for three Republican Senate stall members, 
representing Senators Robert Kasten (Rep. -Wise.). Steve 
Symms (Rep. -Idaho), and William Armstrong (Rep. -Colo.), 
to "fly to Central America where they met with government 
leaders and U.S. Embassy officials in Honduras and Guate- 
mala and joined the official U.S. observer delegation to the 
Salvadoran election . " w 

Convicted Felons 

In 1984, Moon entered Danbury Federal Prison to serve an 
18-month sentence for conspiracy to file false tax returns, to 
obstruct justice, and to commit perjury. "' The Moon organiza- 
tion claims that Moon and his co-defendant Takeru Kamiyama 
were unfairly prosecuted due to racial and religious intolerance 
op the part of the U.S. government. Remarkably, the Moon 
organization has used the disaster of Moon's imprisonment to 
benefit its public image. Across the political spectrum, many 
people offered grudging support for Moon because they 
believed he was mistreated by the judicial system. The Moon 
organization has skillfully exploited these sentiments, and 
indeed, had a major role in creating them. What began as a 
campaign for "religious freedom" has become a multi-faceted 
strategy to further the Moonist agenda. In 1984. Bo Hi Pak 
said that "freedom of religion has become a major issue in 
America, and Reverend Moon is the rallying point." 411 Echo- 
ing this theme. New York Unification Church leader Ken Sudo 
told fellow Moonie leaders in May 1985 that, "Father went to 
Danbury as the leader of the Unification Church, but when he 
comes out, he must be the leader of the Free World." 41 

If Moon had only failed to pay income tax on $160,000 he 
would not ordinarily have been prosecuted on criminal char- 
ges. But evidence of willful violation of the law made criminal 
prosecution inevitable. In 1973, tax lawyers and accountants 
told Moon’s representatives to keep his personal assets sep- 
arate from those of the Church. Kamiyama ignored this advice 
and prepared Moon's taxes under Master's personal supervi- 
sion. They forged and backdated ledgers to hide Moon's 

37'. Ripon Forum, January 1983. 

38 . Washington Post, September 16-17. 1984. An edited version appears in 
the Cult Awareness Network News , June 1983. CAN, P.O. Box 608370. 
Chicago IL 60626. 

39. As summarized by the Court of Appeals. Moon and his co-defendant. 
Takeru Kamiyama. were both charged with "conspiracy to file lalsc lederal 
income, tax returns, to obstruct justice, and to make false statements to gov- 
ernment agencies and to a federal grand jury.** Moon was also charged with 
three counts of filing false returns, and Kamiyama was charged with aiding 
and abetting two of the false filings. Kamiyama also laced two other charges ot 
obstruction of justice and five charges of perjury. The defendants were con- 
victed of all charges; on appeal, one of Kamiyama’s perjury convictions was 
overturned: all the other convictions were upheld. The "Messiah defense'* 
notwithstanding, the Supreme Court declined to review the case. 

40. Proceedings of the 7th World Media Conference. November 19-22. 

41 . Fred Clarkson. "The Manifest Sins of Sun Myung Moon,” Christianity 
and Crisis, October 28 1983. Back issues are available from: 537 West 121 
Street. New York. NY 10027. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

assets within the Church's. The prosecution proved, among 
other things, that the paper used to falsify the 1973 records 
was not even manufactured until I974. j: 

Moon's defense on appeal, (known as the "Messiah de- 
fense") is consistent with his theocratic ambitions. Moon 
claimed that some of his followers believed he is "potentially 
the new Messiah," the "embodiment" of the Church, and thus 
exempt from personal income taxes. The court held, however, 
that even Messiahs are not exempt from taxes, and have a 
status as an individual distinct from the church. Freedom of 
religion is "subordinate to the criminal laws of the country." 
The court ruled that "To allow otherwise would be to permit 
church leaders to stand above the law." 

Moon as Martyr 

The Moon-as-martyr campaign has been orchestrated by the 
Moon organization, public relations firms, and grantees. 1'he 
most prominent example is the Washington-based Coalition 
for Religious Freedom (CRF) which, according to CRF presi- 
dent Don Sills, has received at least $5()0.(KX) from Moon 
sources. 4 ' A prominent CRF spokesperson and executive 
committee member is Joseph Paige. As Executive Vice Presi- 
dent of the Black Baptist Shaw Divinity School, Paige received 
$60,000 from the Unification Church for his school, which in 
turn gave Moon a much publicized honorary doctorate. Paige is 
also active in CAUSA. 44 

In 1984, the Association of Concerned Taxpayers, headed 
by then Rep. George Hansen (Rep. Idaho), started CRF. 4 ' A 
CRF fundraising letter signed by Hansen declared that "a 
deadly government assault against religion has erupted in 
America [and| powerful government forces are moving quickly 
to smash the great constitutional guarantees protecting the 
freedom of religion." Hansen strongly objected when the IRS 
withdrew tax-exempt status from Bob Jones University 
because of racial discrimination and policies against inter- 
racial dating. He also condemned the state of Nebraska for 
arresting fundamentalist Everett Sileven after Sileven refused 
to allow teachers at his private school to be certified by the 
state as required by state law. 4 *' 

The obstacle to "religious freedom" as defined by Moon and 
much of the Christian Right, is "secular" government, which 
they see as a stepping stone to "Satanic, atheistic. Commun- 
ism." Bo Hi Pak declared that the world is a battleground 
between "God and no God." 47 CRF claims that the Moon pro 

42. The Moon case has been discussed in more detail in Christianity iinii 
Crisis, October 28. 1983: the New Republic. August 26. 1985; and the 
Sacramento Bee. September 13. 1985. 

43. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 27. 19X6. 

44. Clarkson. Op. cit.. n. 41. 

45. Hansen himself was later jailed for fraud and failure to disclose loans 
and profits from rightwing oil baron Nelson Bunker Hunt to his wile, as 
required by congressional disclosure rules, lie was recently paroled Joseph 
Paige has also served time. According to a Washington Post account (August 
14, 1973), Paige and a co-conspirator formed a "non-profit corporation. . 
falsely representing it as part of the (Federal Cityl college. |ol which Paige 
was Dean) and diverted checks written on the $230. (KK) lederal education grant 
into a special... bank account from which they drew checks tor personal use.** 
The criminal records of Moon. Hansen, and Paige have led Washington in 
siders to refer to CRF as the "Coalition of Religious Felons." 

46. These, and the Moon case, have been a major rallying point for the 
religious Right against what Hansen calls a conspiracy by "government 
planners.’* Elsewhere, "independent" churches have refused health and safety 
inspections of churches, schools, and orphanages, as well as state licensing 
of child care centers. These arc usually based on a refusal lo submit to 
"secular authorities" and the claim they serve only the higher authority ot (iod. 

47. Fred Clarkson. "‘Privatizing* the War." CAIB, Number 22 H all 1984). 

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secution and the alleged attack on religion by government “is 
largely the result of the ungodly secular humanist philosophy 
that has contaminated our schools, the media, and the various 
levels of government.” The 1985 CAUSA Lecture Manual 
stated that "in the United States, and intermediary stage prior to 
communism may be secular humanism. ” 4I< 

The CRF executive committee has developed rapidly since 
1984, to include most of the major televangelists, such as Tim 
LaHaye, Jerry Falwell. James Robison. Rex Humbard, D. 
James Kennedy, and Jimmy Swaggart. Recently, the Moon 
organization opened an international front in its “religious 
freedom” campaign. According to Moon's New York City 
Tribune, the World Council on Religious Liberty (WCRL) was 
founded in December 1986 at a conference in Geneva. Switzer- 
land. The Chairman of WRCL is Joseph Paige, and its "Chair- 
man of the North American Caucus" is Don Sills. They have 
recruited Dr. Robert G. Muller, assistant Secretary General of 
the United Nations, as chairman of the Council's International 
Advisory Committee. The Council's headquarters are in 
Raleigh, North Carolina, which is also home to Paige's Shaw 
Divinity School. 49 

Gray Areas 

While “Father” Moon served time, his followers organized 

48. Clarkson, Op. cit .. n. 41 . 

49. New York City Tribune , December 10. 1986. 

The KCIA Connection 

ganized” the Unification Church while he was KCIA di- 
rector and had been using the Unification Church “as a 
political tool.” 1 

Though the Fraser report noted that “organized" is not to 
be confused with “founded,” since the Unification Church 
was founded in 1954. "...there was a great deal of in- 
dependent corroboration for the suggestion in this and later 
intelligence reports that Kim Jong Pil and the Moon 
organization had a mutually supportive relationship, as well 
as for the statement that Kim used the Unification Church 
for political purposes.” 2 The report also notes that the four 
above named Moonie army officers played key roles in early 
ROK/U.S. relations. Han Sang Keuk was a translator for 
Park Chung Hee when he met with President Kennedy in 
November 1961 . And Kim Sang In accompanied Kim Jong 
Pil when he visited Washington in 1962, where they were 
briefed by the CIA, FBI, and Defense Department. One of 
their escorts was Bo Hi Pak who was a military attache at 
the ROK embassy in Washington at the time. Pak was also 
reportedly the liaison to the American intelligence commu- 
nity. 4 

The Fraser Committee also “obtained a copy of Kim Jong 

1. Investigation of Korcan-Anierican Relations. Report of the Sub 
committee on International Organizations of the Committee on Inter- 
national Relations. U S. House of Representatives. October 31 . 1 07X (the 
Fraser Report), pp. 354, 24. 

2. Ibid . . p. 24. 

3. Robert Boettcher, Gifts of Deceit (New York: Holt. Rinehart, and 
Winston. 1980), p. 40. 

42 CovertAction Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

The Moon organization was central to the Koreagate 
scandal of the 1970s. The tale goes back before the 1961 
military coup that brought Park Chung Hee to power. The 
House of Representatives’ investigation of the scandal, 
headed by Rep. Donald Fraser (Dem. -Minn.). summarized 
some of this early history: 

In the late 1950s, Moon's message was favorably re- 
ceived by four young, English-speaking Korean Army 
officers, all of whom were later to provide important con- 
tacts with the post- 1 96 1 Korean government. One was 
Bo Hi Pak, who had joined the ROK (Republic of Korea) 
Army in 1950. Han Sang Keuk. . .became a personal 
assistant to Kim Jong Pil. the architect of the 1961 coup 
and founder of the KCIA. Kim Sang In retired from the 
ROK Army in May 1961 .joined the KCIA and became an 
interpreter for Kim Jong Pil until 1966. At that time, [Kim 
Sang In] returned to his position as KCIA officer, later to 
become the KCIA’s chief of station in Mexico City. He 
was a close friend of Pak Bo Hi and a supporter of the 
Unification Church. The fourth, Han Sang Kil, was a 
military attache at the ROK embassy in Washington in 
the late 1960s. Executive branch reports also link him to 
the KCIA. On leaving the service of the ROK gov- 
ernment, Han became Moon’s personal secretary and 
tutor to his children.... 

In the period immediately after the coup, Kim Jong Pil 
founded the KCIA and supervised the building of a 
political base for the new regime. A February 1963 un- 
evaluated CIA report stated that Kim Jong Pil had ”or- 

an elaborate public relations campaign which included the 
religious freedom campaign, efforts to get Supreme Court 
review of the Moon case, and finally a campaign to get Moon 
pardoned. The Moon organization hired, among others, the 
public relations firm of Gray and Co., headed by Robert Keith 
Gray, a former Reagan campaign official. In early 1984. 
according to sources familiar with the incident, Gray and Co. 
director Robert B. Anderson solicited the signature of prom- 
inent Washington Rabbi Joshua Haberman for Hansen's 
religious freedom petition to President Reagan. The petition 
was general in nature, but was then used in CRF's direct mail 
blitz. Haberman withdrew, saying he had been deceived and 
that his name was being used to advance causes which he did 
not support. 

Robert Anderson, a former Treasury Secretary in the 
Eisenhower administration, was already involved with the 
Moon organization at the time. He spoke at the founding con- 
ference of CAUSA North America in Montego Bay. Jamaica in 
1983. He also headed a Moon-funded front known as the 
Global Economic Action Institute from 1983 to 1986. He was 
succeeded in this post by former Senator Eugene McCarthy. 

Gray, who co-chaired the 1981 Reagan Inaugural Com- 
mittee. was the first President of the Georgetown Club, an elite 
social club financed by his friend. KCIA operative Tongsun 
Park (see sidebar). According to a former KCIA director, the 
Georgetown Club was a KCIA front used by Park to facilitate 

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"lobbying activities" in the 1970s. 5 " For at least the past lew 
years. Gray and Co. has been registered as a foreign agent for 
Japan and South Korea. 

The pardon campaign failed. However, four months after 
his release from prison. Moon visited Korea where, in the 
Olympic stadium, a rally of about 30,000 people was hosted 
by his original political organization (still a part ot WACL), the 
International Federation for Victory over Communism (IFVC). 
According to the London Times, no senior Korean government 
officials were present. However, Osanii Kuboki read a 
message of support from Japanese Prime Minister Nakasone. 
Kuboki said both Nakasone and former Prime Minister Kishi 
had "interceded on Moon's behalf with President Reagan. 
According to the Times ot London. Nakasone telephoned the 
President because of Mr. Moon's status as an international 
leader, while Mr. Kishi, a supporter of the Unification Church 
in Japan, had written to the President three times."'’ 1 

Kishi, who was a WACL leader in the late 1 960s, is also 
involved with CAUSA s International Security Council (ISC). 
ISC's purpose includes organizing retired military officers of 
the Western Alliance, and holding anticommunist conferenc- 
es. Kishi also co-chaired Moon’s 1984 World Media Con- 
ference in Tokyo. 

50. Jim Hougan. Secret Agenda (New York: Bailantine, 19X4), p. 145. 
51 Timex'l London |. December 17. 19X5. 

Pil's itinerary. ..which showed that |Kim Sang In] was part 
of the entourage which toured the United States, meeting 
numerous U.S. officials. While in San Francisco. Kim 
Jong Pil...met secretly with a small group of Unification 
Church members who were among Moon's earliest fol- 
lowers in the United States." A person present at that meet- 
ing "recalled that Kim |Jong Pill told Unification Church 
members that he would give their movement political 
support in Korea, though he could not afford to do so 
openly.” 4 

All this serves as a backdrop to the Koreagate scandal. 
The Moon organization, as noted above, cooperated closely 
with Kim Jong Pil in establishing the Korean Cultural 
Freedom Foundation as a mutually beneficial political 
operation. However, as of at least 1970, Park Chung Hee 
and his associates developed multifaceted plans to in- 
fluence and subvert the U.S. Congress and Executive 
Branch, primarily it seems, to assure continued U.S. mili- 
tary presence in South Korea. Also involved were efforts to 
influence trade legislation, discredit opponents of the Park 
regime in the U.S.. influence the U.S. academic communi- 
ty, influence the U.S. news media, and a host of other ac- 
tivities. many of them illegal. The key areas of the scandal, 
as exposed by the congressional investigations, were 
bribes and campaign contributions made to Members of 
Congress and Senators. Several were indicted and jailed. 
For most others, there was apparently insufficient evidence 
for prosecution. Much of the congressional influence 
scheme was organized by Tongsun Park, a KCIA agent and 
businessman. Kim Sang In, a frequent visitor to Park's 
house, and traveling companion, was believed by con- 
gressional investigators to have been Park's supervisor or 

4. Fraser Report, p. 355. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Nobusuke Kishi, Japanese war criminal, founding 
member of WACL, and CAUSA official. 

Kishi's involvement underscores the importance of Japan 
to the Moon organization. Despite its Korean roots and the 
historical animosity between Korea and Japan, the Unification 
Church has had a limited popular following in Korea and very 
large support in Japan. Indeed, its predominant source of 
funding has been Japan. The Washington Tost, quoting a lor- 

: — v 

“control agent." During this period, the early 1970s. Kim 
Sang in was an aid to the KCIA Director Lee Hu Rak. and 
was later KCIA Station Chief in Mexico City. The Fraser 
Report also notes that he "served for a time as liaison to the 
U.S. CIA." 5 

Kim Sang In has. since at least 1982. been executive 
Vice President of the parent company of Moon s 
Washington Times newspaper. News World Communica- 
tions (NWC). Bo Hi Pak is President of NWC. us well as 
CAUSA, and the still existent Korean Cultural Freedom 
Foundation (KCFF). Han Sang Keuk later became the 
Korean Ambassador to Norway." and is currently in- 
volved in CAUSA's International Security Council. 

As for the Koreagate scandal, the Korean influence 
scheme apparently had its origins in a desire to emulate 
successful foreign governmental lobbies in the U.S., nota- 
bly Israel and Taiwan (“the China Lobby ") 7 There were 
plans to raise hundreds of thousands of dollars in com- 
missions on rice deals, which in turn would be spent on 
congressional bribes and other expenses; to infiltrate Con- 
gress, the White House, and the Joint Chiefs of Stall. 
While there was no evidence the KCIA succeeded in in- 
filtrating the White House or the Pentagon. KCIA agents 
were found to be on the staffs of Rep. Cornelius Gallagher 
(Dem.-N.J.) and House Majority Leader Carl Albert 
(Dem.-Okla.). There were also numerous Moonies work- 
ing, mostly as volunteers in Congressional offices, in- 
cluding Albert's. Among the "interns" who have been 
placed on Capitol Hill through the Conservative Youth 
Foundation (see sidebar) in the past year are. again, a num- 
ber of Moonies, according to reliable sources. • 

5. I bill. 

b. Ibid., pp 1 1)2 . 363 

7. Ibid., p. 111. 

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mer ranking Japanese Moon official, reported that some $800 
million had flowed from Japan to the U.S. Unification Church 
over the preceding nine years ( 1 975- 1984). 52 Where the money 
went is a matter of intense speculation. Some was invested in 
businesses and real estate. Hundreds of millions have by now 
spent on Moon’s major publications, notably the Washington 
Times, the New York City Tribune, and the newsweekly Insight 
magazine. But clearly too, Moon money has been invested in 
domestic American politics; and the funds documented here 
are but the tip of the iceberg. (See sidebar.) 

Inside the New Right 

Part of Moon’s U.S. strategy has been to seek alliances 
with the religious Right. However, the relationship has been 
highly controversial within the movement. While Moon money 
is widely rumored to be a major financial underpinning of the 
New Right, it is often kept secret because so many con- 
servatives find the Moon organization repugnant. 

Jerry Falwell of the Moral Majority, and one of the founders 
and executive committee members of the Coalition for Reli- 
gious Freedom, dropped his support for Moon in early 1984. 
His spokesperson, Ron Godwin, denounced as "peculiar” 
those who take money from a church whose “founder believes 
he's divine.... They’re taking money from a cult whose 
doctrines are 180 degrees opposed. It’s a little like the Jewish 
National Fund accepting money from Arafat. ” 53 

But by August 1985, Falwell had cut short a tour of South 
Africa to appear at a press conference at Moon’s God and 
Freedom Banquet. Both events were organized by CRF. 
Godwin later became the business manager of Insight. 

In a letter to Bo Hi Pak, taped onto a cassette by Rev. Tim 
LaHaye of the American Coalition for Traditional Values 
(ACTV is a political coalition of televangelists), LaHaye 
thanked Pak for providing “timely" and “generous help” in 
connection with an "extremely expensive" move of ACTV’s 
headquarters from California to Washington, DC. 54 Like 
Falwell, LaHaye was one of the founders and executive com- 
tnittee members of CRF. LaHaye later denied receiving money 
from the Moon organization. 

Whose Voice Is Christian Voice? 

The rightwing Christian Voice claims 350,000 members, 
including 40,000 ministers who become members by virtue of 
having responded to direct mail funding appeals. The organi- 
zation, which employs 17 field organizers, stepped into the 
void left by the departure of the Moral Majority and ACTV from 
significant political activity. However, they may have over- 
stepped their position. 

Christian Voice has come under fire recently for mis- 
representing itself, and for its ties to the Moon organization. 
Its claim to represent 45 million Christian evangelicals has 
been challenged, notably by Robert P. Dugan of the National 
Association of Evangelicals. He told Christianity Today 
magazine that Christian Voice is “not constructed to be a 
representative organization and its political positions may well 
be determined by a handful of activists meeting over lunch. 
They are accountable to no one but themselves.” New Right 
leader Paul Weyrich characterized Christian Voice as “con- 
servative first and Christian incidentally, as opposed to other 

52. Washington Post, September 16-17, 1984. 

53. Carolyn Weaver, “Unholy Alliance," Mother Jones, January 1986. 

54. Ibid. 

44 CovertAction 

Who Does Moon Finance? 

Amidst the many rumors of Moon organization fund- 
ing of conservative political groups, there have been a 
few documented examples. Those exposed to date in- 

Conservative Alliance (CALL), received $775,000 
in 1984 from CAUSA. 1 

Coalition for Religious Freedom received $500,000 
in 1984 from unidentified Moon sources. 2 

Conservative Youth Foundation received $250,000 
in 1985 from CAUSA. 2 

California Republican Youth Caucus received 
$5,000 in 1984 from CAUSA. 4 

Republican National Committee received $10,000 
in 1984 from Bo Hi Pak. 5 

Republican National Committee received $10,000 
in 1984 from James Gavin. 6 • 

1. Wall Street Journal. December 17. 1985. This money was in- 
accurately reported as having gone to the National Conservative 
Political Action Committee (NCPAC). A legal contribution to a PAC is 
limited to $5,000. However. CALL, a non-profit lobbying group, 
shared an office and switchboard with NCPAC. and was also headed 
by NCPAC's Terry Dolan. The money was used for TV spots oppos- 
ing trade with the Soviet Union, and to lobby Congress in favor of aid to 
the contras and for funding for the MX missile. 

2. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, September 27. 1986. CRF head Don 
Sills admits to this figure. It could be much more. 

3. Wall Street Journal, December 17. 1985. This operation, also 
tied to Terry Dolan, who is a director of CYF. places young con- 
servatives in Capitol Hill internships. 

4. Ripon Forum, October 1985. This money went towards a 
statewide youth conference at which a CAUSA representative spoke. 

5. Federal Election Commission records show that Pak is an 
“Eagle.” or $10,000 contributor to the GOP. This status gives one 
special access to high government officials. Pak is the head of most of 
Moon's world-wide operations. 

6. FEC records also show that Gavin is an Eagle contributor. Gavin 
is a long-time Moonie and political operative. He headed the “Capitol 
Hill Ministry” or the Unification Church during the Korcagatc scandal 
and later served as public relations director of the Washington Times. 


groups that are Christian first, and conservative incidental- 
ly.” 55 

The relationship between Christian Voice and the Moon 
organization has plagued them for some time. At the center of 

55. Christianity Today. November 7, 1986. Prior to the 1986 elections, the 
Christian Voice political lobbying group used the religious freedom issue to 
attack People for the American Way (PAW), a major liberal critic of the 
religious Right. The PAW board includes such targets of the Right as the 
National Education Association, as well as such mainstream religious fig- 
ures as Rev. Charles Bergstrom of the Lutheran Council for Public Affairs, 
and John Buchannan, a Baptist minister and former Republican Congressman 
from Alabama. In a 28-minute film (aired October 9, 1986 on Pat Robertson's 
Christian Broadcasting Network) PAW was attacked as “intolerant," “un- 
American." "secular humanist," "communist," and "totalitarian" Co-hosted 
by Christian Voice chairman Robert Grant (see "Christian Voice." in this 
issue) and Washington Times columnist John Lofton, the film was a fundraiser 
for the distribution of "millions" of the "moral Scorecards" (or "Biblical 
Scorecards") used for rating candidates' qualifications for office. The im- 
plication is that such public policy positions as the Balanced Budget 
Amendment and Star Wars are based on a biblical imperative. 

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Gary Jarmin, undercover Moonie. 

this controversy is lobbyist Gary Jarmin, a Moonie from 
1967-1973 who was active in Moon's Freedom Leadership 
Foundation and who many suspect may be a Moon agent in the 
New Right. A May 1981 article in Mother Jones raised this 
question. Jarmin, who was the legislative director of Christian 
Voice at the time, insisted, "I'm no longer affiliated with the 
church: I'm not a member of it and I don't consult with their 
people. This organization, [Christian Voice] is run by a board 
of directors for whom I work, which is not in any way affiliated 
with or controlled by the church. I think my actions speak 
louder than' my words."'''’ Nevertheless, by February 1983 
Jarmin had helped organize the first CAUSA North America 
conference, held in Jamaica. Also in attendance were Christian 
Voice chairman Robert Grant and Advisory Board members 
W. Steuart McBimey and Ray Allen, and political strategist 
Colonel V. Doner. 

The relationships go even deeper. The three-member board 
of Christian Voice's political action committee is chaired by 
Jarmin, and includes Rev. Don Sills of the Moon-funded 
Coalition for Religious Freedom. In August of 1985, Jarmin 
helped organize CRF’s God and Freedom Banquet held in 
celebration of Moon's release from jail. He also led legislative 
workshops at secretive CAUSA indoctrination sessions for 
American state legislators during 1986. These events drew 
about 100 conservative legislators from both parties to all- 
expense-paid junkets, ostensibly to discuss the Constitution. 
A more elite version of these meetings is the CAUSA- 
sponsored American Leadership Conference, where Jarmin 
has also spoken. Jarmin has been joined at other CAUSA 
events by Robert Grant, who addressed the 1985 CAUSA 
National .Conference in San Francisco. Grant currently chairs 
the Executive Committee of the Coalition for Religious Free- 

Although CRF declares its independence from the Moon 
organization (despite the Moon funding), the current executive 
director of CRF is DanHoldgreiwe.a longtime Moon operative 
who worked for Moon's Freedom Leadership Foundation from 
the late 1970s to the early 1980s. 57 

The Moon relationship with Christian Voice surfaced as a 
last-minute issue in the 1986 Colorado Senate race between 
Rep. Ken Kramer (Rep.) and Rep. Tim Wirth (Dem ). 
Kramer, who is a member of the Christian Voice Con- 
gressional Advisory Board, claimed not to know of the Moon 

56. Mother Jones . May 1981. 

57. Louis Wolf, '“Accuracy in Media Rewrites the News and History." in 
CAIB, Number 21 (Spring 1984). p. 24. at 56. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

connection. He told the Denver Post. "I'm not a Moonie," 55 
and asserted to the Rocky Mountain News that the Moon con- 
nection, if proven, would "be a matter of great concern to me, 
and I would have to take a new look at the situation ... 1 do not 
support the Moonies in any way." 5 '’ Nevertheless, Wirth won 
the race. 

CAUSA and the Catholic Church 

While best known for its growing relationship with Protes- 
tant fundamentalism, the Moon organization has actively 
sought close links with the Catholic Church, particularly in 
Latin America. 60 Their success has been decidedly mixed. 
The Bishops of Honduras, El Salvador. Panama, and Japan 
have all denounced the Unification Church in pastoral letters. 
While this has put a crimp in their operations. Moonism is not 
without allies. The Archbishop of La Plata. Argentina spon- 
sored the first CAUSA seminar in that country, and later a- 
warded an honorary doctorate to Moon from the Catholic Uni- 
versity. while he was in jail. 

According to an internal strategy document dated January 
1985, CAUSA views its relationship with the Catholic Church 

as "extremely important One [pastoral| letter of the 

Bishops in any country will considerably damage our activi- 
ties. If it happens in a Third World country, all the faithful 
Catholics will go away, leaving us with ■non-faithful 1 ones, 
making our situation even more miserable."'’ 1 

Indeed, the Honduran Bishops denounced CAUSA as "an- 
ti-Christian” and declared that the Unification Church "creates 
a species of material and spiritual slavery" that poses 
“serious dangers to the psychological, religious, and civic 
integrity of anyone who yields to its influence."'’'’ The 
Japanese Bishops, noting major theological differences with 
the Unification Church, also "discourage all Catholics from 
any collaboration with it. While the Holy See is contrary to any 
participation by the faithful, it is even more opposed to 
whatsoever [.vie] attendance and collaboration on the part of 
Catholic priests."'’- 1 

The principal Moon advocate within the Church appears to 
be Father Sebastian Matczak, a Polish priest who has spoken 
frequently at CAUSA conferences, and who teaches philoso- 
phy at the Unification Seminary in Barrytown. New York. The 
CAUSA paper notes that “Dr. Matczak, in his latest visit to 
Rome the past January 1 1984] could verify that the bad reputa- 
tion of our movement is mainly coming from Latin America, 
while there they say that official documents from the Vatican 
prevent them from any relation with us"'’ 4 

Despite serious obstacles to Moonist advances on the 
Catholic Church, the organization claims that CAUSA has a 
“strong connecting point" with the Church in most Latin 
countries. The internal report notes, however, that the strategy 
of seeking relationships with the hierarchy, and inviting 
priests to CAUSA conferences, has generally failed. As a 

58. Denver Post. November 5, 1986. 

59. Rocky Mountain News. November 2. 19X6. 

60. Wolf, Op cit.. n. 57. 

61. Internal CAUSA document. January 19X5. 

62. Interchange Report, fall 19X4. 

63. Arlington | Virginia) Catholic HenM. August X. 19X5. 

64. Internal CAUSA document. January 19X5 The Report is a confidential 
3-year review of C'AUSA/Catholic relations Written by Roger Johnstone and 
Liliana Karlson. and submitted to CAUSA s Uo Hi Pals. Tom Ward, and An 
tdnio Betancourt, the Report makes clear that their intentions are more than 
ecumenical in spirit: "The goal is: the CATHOLIC WORLD (XO'i of all 
Christianity). The time is: NOW! Tomorrow might be too late!" 

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Pope John Paul II with Moonies Tom Ward and Bo Hi 
Pak (circled) at AULA conference. 

result, "it seems that we have to open two fronts, one in 
Rome, one in Latin America." The latter option emphasized 
secret and highly selective CAUSA conferences with priests 
as a way to build a core of supporters, whose favorable reports 
would percolate up to the Vatican. Dr. Matczak reportedly 
“finds this strategy... the only way and an absolute neces- 
sity.” The twin goals of this plan were to “STOP THE 
NECjATIVITY FROM WITHIN" (the Catholic Church) and to 
“Declare war to the Liberation theology. 

It is 1 possible that the Rome option is still viable. A new 
Moon unit called AULA (Association for the Unification of 
Latin America) was formed in Rome in December 1984. 66 
AULA's second annual conference, in December 1985 in 
Rome, was attended by a dozen former presidents of Latin 
American countries and was received by the Pope. The Moon 
organization is skilled at using the prestige of out-of-power 
politicians. Two weeks later three former presidents of Co- 
lombia, and two of Costa Rica represented AULA at Moon’s 
welcome home rally in Seoul, South Korea. 67 

According to Unification News. AULA is drafting a pro- 
posed constitution for a "United States of Latin America. " 6X 
AULA's constitutional specialist is Cleon Skouscn, head of 
the National Center for Constitutional Studies, who worked 
closely with CAUSA in 1986, organizing conferences of con- 
servative U.S. state legislators. According to Church and 
State magazine, Skousen is not only far-right but "believes 
America is a fulfillment of Mormon prophesy regarding the 
pre-millennial preparation of the Earth." 69 

Prior to becoming the current "prophet" of the Mormon 
church, Ezra Taft Benson endorsed Skousen 's work as having 
“the Lord’s approval” and appeared at many Skousen events. 
Benson’s son Mark, is on Skouscn’s board of directors. 
Skousen is the most visible link in an apparent Moon/Mormon 
alliance. Another important link is U.S. Senator Orrin Hatch 
(Rep. -Utah), who is a Mormon Bishop and has spoken at 
several CAUSA/Skousen conferences in the past year which 

65 Ibid. - 

66. AULA is headed by Jose Maria Chaves, a longtime Moon operative. A 
native of Colombia, Chaves is now based in New York. He is a director of the 
Committee to Defend the U.S. Constitution, a Moon front group which placed 
full page ads in major American newspapers claiming Moon was a "Victim of 
a Government Conspiracy." Warren Richardson, the first director of CAUSA 
North America and former general counsel to the Liberty Lobby was a director 
at one time as was David Finzer of the Conservative Action Foundation, in 
1985. Finzer took over the youth arm of WACL, and in 1986 was elevated to 
the executive board. See "Christian Voice." in this issue. 

67. Times |London|. December 17. 1985. 

68. Church and Suite , May 1986. 

69. Ibid. 

have had a disproportionate number of Mormon politicians 
from Utah and Idaho in attendance. 

Conclusion: Moon’s Law 

The Moon organization is an ominous, anti-democratic 
element in American and world politics. Its history is syn- 
onymous with post-World War 11 fascism. In coalition with 
rightwing secular and religious groups the Moon organization 
is attempting to create a broad-based, mainstream fascist 
movement in the U.S. 

The simplistic and distorted CAUSA worldview is appeal- 
ing to authoritarians who glean a sense of historical im- 
portance from the notion of an imminent and ultimate battle 
between good and evil — where they are the good guys. It is all 
the more convenient that those who stand in opposition — 
liberals, communists, democratic conservatives, and fools — are 
all lumped together as forces which are either complied with 
the enemy or must be ignored. 

The totalist Moon ideology tells new Moonies that everyone 
outside the “True Family," including their biological parents, 
may be agents of Satan. CAUSA’s philosophy expresses a 
similar view. Doubt about Moon, even personal doubts, may 
be Satan at work. Moon’s law is arbitrary and totalitarian. The 
Moon organization's willful violation of American laws is 
based on theological premises which recognize neither the 
legitimacy of constitutional democracy, nor the legitimacy of 
any law, save its own. The Fraser Report, the testimony of 
former Moonies, media stories, and legal proceedings offer 
repeated examples of criminal activity. Though the Moon 
organization speaks of love and peace, these sentiments ring 
hollow when contrasted with the violent rhetoric of Bo Hi Pak 
and the hate-filled sermons of Sun Myung Moon. The activi- 
ties of the Moon organization should be examined in this con- 
text, because despite the mendacity of the Moon organization, 
when it comes to politics, they mean what they say. • 

S \ 

Letter to the Editor 

Thank you for your informative article on the 
American Ambassador to the United Nations. Vernon 
Walters. This is the kind of information we need, not 
only in this country but all over the world. However, 
there is a very important detail in your article that needs 
some clarification. 

The riots that took place in Bogota, Colombia in April 
1947, during the Pan-American Conference, which you 
refer to as Walters's "first brush with revolution and 
counterrevolution," were not the result of the Conference 
itself, but of the assassination, on April 9, of the pop- 
ulist and popular liberal leader, Jorge Eliecer Gaitan. 

Gaitan, a fiery speaker, a man who rose from the 
bottom and was adored by the masses, was shot before 
he could become the next President. His death produced 
two days of rioting by the enraged populace of Bogota. 
They were put down by military reinforcements brought 
into the capital from several neighboring provinces. 

This is considered a very important date in Colombian 
history, as it signaled the beginning of modern-day Col- 

Yours truly, 

Lai.o Bokja 
San Francisco 

S r 

46 CovertAction Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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by Walter Sampson* 

On May 13. 19X1 Mchmct Ali Agea attempted to assas- 
sinate Pope John Paul II at Saint Peter's Square. Almost four 
years later. Agea told a judge in an Italian eourt that the attempt 
on the life of the Pope had been part of 'the third secret of 

Was this simply the gibberish of a crazy man? No doubt it 
was. But ideas come from somewhere and it seems unlikely 
that Agea could have acquired independent knowledge ol an 
obscure Catholic vision, much less have become converted to 
it. given his Sunni Moslem religious upbringing, without 
some coaching. 

A video about Fatima shown on prime time television in 
several major U S. cities used lootage oi the Pope slumped 
over, having just taken a bullet from Agea s gun. The video 
recalled the scene of panic in Saint Peter's Square. Actor 
Ricardo Montalban narrated, explaining how the assassina- 
tion attempt took place on the anniversary ol the vision ol 

On May 13. 1917. near the Portuguese village of Fatima, 
three children claimed to have seen an apparition ol the Virgin 
Mary. They were told to return the next month, when, they later 
said, they heard three "secrets" about coming events in the 
world. The first secret, one of the children explained many 
years later, was a vision of hell; the second was that the Soviet 
Union, if not converted to Christianity, would "spread her 
errors throughout the world. .." The third secret, to which 
Agea referred in court, is still a secret. Montalban, reading 
from a script prepared by Saint Gabriel Media, Inc., insisted 
that the assassination attempt, falsely linked by the media to 
Bulgaria, and by extension to the Soviet Union, was part ol the 
second secret of Fatima. 

Was the idea of the third secret of Fatima planted in Agfa's 
mind while in prison? Was it just a coincidence that he shot the 
Pope on the anniversary of the vision at Fatima? While there 
are no hard answers at this time, there is room for supposi- 
tion. Authors Edward S. Herman and Frank Brodhead. in The 
Rise and hall of the Bulgarian Connection, write that the Secre- 
tary-General of the Union of Catholic Bishops, a Dr. 
Hocmeyer. paid a friend of Agfa's to convince Agea to say that 
he was hired by the KGB. 1 2 The authors also point out that 
Agea wrote a letter to Vatican authorities complaining of pres- 
sure by a Catholic chaplain in Ascoli Piceno prison. Father 
Mariano Santini. and they ask. "Why would Agea. a non- 
Catholic, require the aid of a Catholic chaplain." - Agea wrote 
that in prison he feared for his life because of threats made by 
Santini. Santini could have drilled Agea. not only to name 
Bulgarians as being behind the assassination attempt, but 
also on how Agea was part of some greater cosmic plan known 
as the "secrets of Fatima." 

1. Ldwurd S. Herman and Frank Brodhead. The Rise and hall of the 
Rtd^artan Connection (New York: Sheridan Square Publications. 1^X6). p. 

2. Ibid., p. 109. 

* Walter Sampson is an investigative journalist in California. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

History of Fatima 

While the connection between Agea and the Fatima mystery 
is unproved, the historical role of Fatima as a rallying point for 
the right wing of the Catholic Church is not. Fatimists 
themselves estimate that only about two percent ol all 
Catholics are involved with their movement.' yet the message 
of Fatima has strongly interested three Popes: Pius XII. Paul 
VI. and most recently. John Paul II. 

Fatima has long been a tool of rightw ing political interests 
Its strange history began in Portugal when Europe was con- 
vulsed by World War I. and revolutionary movements were 
rising in Russia. Portugal. Germany, and elsewhere In 
Portugal there was increasing discontent stemming from food 
shortages, strikes, and an unpopular government, anil much 
anger was directed against the conservative Catholic Church. 
In May 1917. seven months before the Portuguese government 
fell, three children claimed to have seen the Virgin Mary at 
Cova da Ira about 70 miles north of Lisbon, near the village of 
Fatima. The children said that the apparition told them to return 
to the site at the same hour and on the same date every month 
for the next six months. One month later they claimed to bas e 
received apocalyptic revelations pertaining to the fate of the 

Jacinto, Francisco, and Lucia — the three children of 
Fatima — with whom Agea shared a vision of the third 

Although us many as 70.000 Portuguese pilgrims gathered 
near Fatima on October 13th. 1917. the apparitions were not 
embraced by the Church until many years later. Not until 1938 
did the one surviving child. Lucia dos Santos, then a Carmelite 
nun. reveal the contents of two of the three secrets Address- 
ing a crowd of a half-million pilgrims, she explained that the 
first secret was a vision of hell and the second was that the 
Soviet Union must be converted to the Catholic faith. 

In August of 1941. two months after three million German 
troops had advanced into the Soviet Union. Lucia dos Santos 
was persuaded (by those she called "God s representatives on 

Interview with Blue Army inciiilvr 

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earth") to put the secrets on paper and to give it to the church. 4 
In October of the same year Pope Pius XII traveled to Portugal 
and told Catholics to pray that the promises of Fatima be 
realized soon. When the German army surrounded Leningrad. 
Hitler precipitously announced the defeat of Soviet forces. 
Immediately after this, in a Jubilee message over the radio. 
Pope Pius XU told an audience that the first injunction of the 
Virgin Mary had been fulfilled. 5 

According to the interpretation of the followers of Fatima, 
the first secret — the vision of hell, was now realized. This 
implied that the second secret — the conversion of Russia, 
was next on God’s agenda. Francisco Franco, the fascist dic- 
tator of Spain, organized 17.000 men into the Blue Division to 
go to the Soviet Union and help the Germans. Bishops and 
priests, who viewed the invasion as part of the first two 
secrets spoken by Lucia dos Santos, blessed their arms. 

The Fatima cult did not die after the failure of the invasion of 
the Soviet Union. In fact, just the opposite happened. The 
followers of Fatima grew in size and strength, as part of the 
£old War. In October 1951 Pope Pius XII reaffirmed his belief 
in the vision when he announced to a crowd at Fatima that he 
had "turned his gaze from the Vatican gardens to the sun, and 
there was renewed for his eyes the prodigy of the Valley of 
Fatima.” The Vatican said that the Pope saw the sun jump 
about the sky, "agitated, all convulsed, transformed into a 
picture of life.”'’ 

The Apocalyptic Aspects of Fatima 

Apocalyptic thinking is a very important part of political and 
religious cults because it gives authority to a small group of 
people to interpret events for the rest. Reverend Sun Myung 
Moon, who claims to have spoken to Jesus and Moses, once 
told his followers, “I am your brain.” In May 1985 Ronald 
Reagan extolled the metaphysics of Fatima by telling the 
Deputies of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic that in 
"simple people like the children of Fatima, there resides more 
power than in all the great armies and statesmen of the world." 7 

In recent years much has been written about the apocalyptic 
beliefs of Ronald Reagan and the Protestant Christian Right: 
but what about the Catholic Right? Historically, the Catholic 
Church hierarchy did not prophesy the end of the world. Noted 
New Testament scholar, Ernst Kasemann, once wrote that. 
“Apocalyptics was the mother of all Christian theology." That 
was in the days when the Christians fought against the Roman 
Empire for their survival. Once Christianity became the state 
religion, the hierarchy did not see much value in believing that 
the world would soon be rocked by the heavens. They liked the 
world as it was. In the fourth century St. Augustine interpreted 
the book of Revelation as a metaphor, not as a literal prediction 
of events. When there were revolts against the Catholic- 
Church in sixteenth century Germany, the Protestant rebels 
believed their actions were part of an imminent Second Coming 
while the Catholic Church hierarchy stayed clear of such 

It may be that the development of nuclear arsenals had an 
influence on leaders’ perceptions of the end of the world. 
Whatever the causes, the powerful, including Ronald Reagan. 

4. Joaquin Maria Alonso. The Secret of Fatima: Fact ami Legend 
(Cambridge, Mass.: The Ravcngate Press, circa 1976). p. 32. 

5. Avro Manhattan. Catholic Imperialism and World Freedom , Arno Press. 
circa 1972, p. 32. 

6. Ibid . . p. 41 . 

7. The Fatima Crusader. October- December 19X5. p. X. 

48 CovertAction 

Pope John Paul II and Sister Lucia of Fatima, 
discussing second secret — a vision of Russia’s conversion. 

who once avoided end-time belief, now occasionally champion 
it, and the Catholic Church is no exception. 

In I960 John XXIII became the first Pope to read the third 
secret and then he stored it away in the archives. There is a 
story that Pope Paul VI opened the envelope containing the 
secret, turned pale, and put it back into a drawer, never to 
speak of it again. On May 1 3. 1967 Paul VI became the second 
Pope to visit the Fatima shrine in Portugal, telling the crowd, 
“After Hiroshima, we can understand Fatima better. " x The 
third Pope to visit the shrine. John Paul II. did so precisely a 
year after he was shot. He donated a bullet from the 
assassination attempt to the shrine — a shrine he might never 
have visited had Agca not tried to kill him on the anniversary of 
Fatima. Perhaps he did see the events of May 13. 1981 as part 
of some greater, divine unraveling of history. 

One Fatima-oriented group with significant clout is the 
National Committee for the National Pilgrim Virgin of Canada. 
It publishes a magazine called the Fatima Crusader. Father 
Nicholas Gruner. who heads the organization, gives a stormy 
right-wing appraisal of the world in his magazine: 

Lives of millions and millions of people arc literally 
dependent upon our response to Our Lady's Urgent Mes- 
sage at Fatima. Many of us will die very soon if the predic- 
ted “annihilation of various nations" takes place. This will 
certainly happen if people do not respond now to Our Lady's 
Message. 1 ' 

TFP: Fatima and Politics 

Fatimists are not concerned only with apocalyptics; their 
fervent anticommunism calls for political activism with an 
arch-conservative bent. The most significant political force 
directly linked to Fatimists is The Society for the Defense of 
Tradition, Family, and Property (TFP). founded in Brazil in 
1960 by Professor Plinio Correa dc Oliveira. The U S. branch, 
headed by John R. Spann, also publishes the America Needs 
Fatima Newsletter and runs the America Needs Fatima Cam- 
paign. With your $ 15 contribution to the Campaign you get "our 
new prayer card [which J contains the full text of the special 
anti-communist prayer to Our Lady of Fatima." 

8. Peter Hebblcthwaitc. "Pope and Fatima." New Hlmk/riiiis. October 

9. The Fatima Crusader . October- December 19X5. p 2. 

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WACL luminaries, including Fred Schlafly, to left of 
Plinio Correa de Oliveira, visiting TFP headquarters. 

TFP is a prominent force in Latin America. There, rather 
than looking toward the future. TFP strongly emphasizes the 
past. Its leaders preach more about holding back land reform 
and communism than they do about the secrets of Fatima. TFP 
makes an ideal of the old traditional Church; the Church which 
used to hold sacred all property rights and titles, including 
those of Kings and Queens. But TFP even goes further, view- 
ing the Middle Ages as the apogee of human history. Their 
emblems are medieval and members and supporters decorate 
their homes with graphic pictures of the Crusades. 

TFP has branches in the U.S., Canada, Spain, France, 
South Africa, Brazil. Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru, Uru- 
guay. and Venezuela, with about 2.000 full members 
world-wide, virtually all wealthy and all male, about 500 to 800 
in Brazil alone. The U.S. branch, founded in 1974, has an es- 
timated 50 to 100 members. 

Although TFP is small, its members have great political 
influence with numerous contacts to the power elite. In Brazil, 
the largest Catholic country in the world, there have been wide 
divisions in the Catholic Church between those who favor the 
traditional Church as a citadel for the oligarchy and those who 
see it based on Christian communities, working for the poor. 

In Brazil, after a CIA-supported coup overthrew President 
Joao Goulart and installed General Humberto Castelo Branco, 
unprecedented repression followed. The TFP worked with the 
CIA and was active both before and after 1964 as intellectual 
and financial backers of the military dictatorship. 1 " In the 
TFP literature, the events of 1964 are described in these terms; 

The troublesome agitations of the early I960's helped to 
make manifest the exemplary attitude of the Armed Forces, 
which showed themselves patriotically and courageously 
determined to crush the agitations of the subversive 
minorities. ' ' 

TFP established a number of training camps near Rio dc 
Janeiro where the armed forces and police, themselves trained 
by the CIA. instructed TFP members. 12 

The year 1967 was significant for TFP because “societies 
similar to Brazilian TFP began to form in nearly all the sister 
nations of South America, united by ties of mutual friend- 
ship." 1 ' This was the year the Chilean TFP was founded. In 
the 1973 CIA coup against President Salvador Allendc, it 
proved important. Indeed, it imported counter-revolutionary 
techniques used in Brazil, and worked with the terrorist group, 
Patria v Libertad. The CIA coups in Chile and Brazil were 

10. Penny Lcrnoux. CVv of the People (New York: Doubledav, 1980). p. 
2 %. 

! I. Antonio Augusto Borelli, editor. Tradition. Family, and Property: Half 
a Century of Epic A nti -Communism, circa 1981 . 

12. Lcrnoux. op. cit.. n. 10. p. 295. 

13. Borelli. op. cit.. no. II. pp. 112-13. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

similar in many ways, including organized demonstrations by 
middle and upper class women. These were tested by the TFP 
in Sao Paulo with CIA support. TFP and Patna v Libertad 
sponsored a similar demonstration five days before Allende’s 

Fatima in the U.S. 

In 1974 TFP came to the United Slates. TFP supporters 
claim to have many "friends" in the White House and some 
Congressmen have sent their aides to TFP international 
meetings in Brazil. According to one source, several White 
House people visited TFP headquarters in New York and re- 
ceived ceremonial swords, one of the medieval emblems of the 
group, which they hung on their office walls. 

On February 13, 1984. President Reagan sent a letter of 
“warm regards" to TFP President John R. Spann for the 
support the society had given him. The letter was sub- 
sequently printed in various TFP newsletters. 

Another significant Fatimist organization in the U.S. is the 
Blue Army. First founded in 1947 by Rev. Harold V. Colgar. 
the Blue Army regards itself as exclusively religious, but in 
1982 Bishop Jerome Hastrich of Gallup, Texas, a leader in the 
Blue Army, told a writer for the National Catholic Reporter. 
“the peaceniks would say it is better to be red than dead; we 
would say that it is better to be dead than red." 14 This does 
not have a particularly religious ring to it. 

One difference between TFP and the Blue Army is that TFP. 
though steeped in tradition, is more oriented toward politics 
than the Blue Army. Matrio Navarro, the Brazilian-born TFP 
representative in Washington, the son of a Brazilian ambas- 
sador, works with such new-right figures as Paul Weyrich. 
Richard Viguerie, and Morton Blackwell. In 1974. almost 
exactly a year after the coup in Chile, some other right and 
new-right figures, among them Lee Edwards, Fred Schlally, 
and French writer Suzanne Labin. were received by the TFP at 
the St. Michael's Auditorium in Sao Paulo. 

The U.S. TFP has organized numerous anti-abortion 
demonstrations, particularly targeting Planned Parenthood 
offices. Since 1973, they have participated in the annual 
“March for Life" in Washington. In 1983. they placed an ad in 
newspapers across the country, denouncing Reagan's plan to 
name Henry Kissinger as the head of the administration's 
Commission on Central America. The ad noted that. "Kissin- 
ger symbolizes all the lack of political foresight that led to the 
handing over of Vietnam to the communists.'"' 


Fatima is a vivid example of religion in support of particular 
political programs. Over the years it has changed and con- 
formed to the interests of different rightists. As the pro- 
ponents of liberation theology challenge the economic struc- 
tures that perpetuate poverty, Fatima will no doubt continue to 
play an important part in the Catholic Right's attempts to st i tic 
progressive change in the church. 

How a Sunni Moslem named Mehmet Ali Agca really fits 
into the picture is not clear. If. in fact, there was something 
more than coincidence in the Agca-Fatima connection, some- 
day we may know. • 

14, Terri Goodman. "Blue Army devotion pains popularity in the I S ,“ 
National Catholic Reporter. May 21. 14X2. 

15. Brochure published by TFP entitled "The American Society tor the De 
tense of Tradition. Family, and Property.” American TFP. P.O Box 121. 
Pleasantvillc. NY 10507. 

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The Far Right Goes After Black Support 

By Clarence Lusane* 

A Trojan Horse of sorts is slowly edging its way into the 
Black community in the U.S. By political and religious means, 
the far Right is attempting to curry Black support for its 
causes. Deception and misrepresentation are the main tactics 
being employed in this noxious endeavor. By addressing 
issues of concern to Blacks, such as abortion, school prayer, 
starvation in Africa, minority rights, and political empower- 
ment, a number of Blacks are being duped by far-right forces 
into supporting causes that are diametrically opposed to their 

Efforts To Win Political Support 

Neither the Republican Party nor other rightwing political 
elements has seriously tried to win Black votes or Black 
support for their agenda. This has been due in part to the lack of 
legitimate Black political figures who will accept their rightist 
positions. Occasionally, however, a Black is found who will 
get on the bandwagon and become a spokesperson on behalf of 
the Right. 

Recently, Black reactionaries — former Black Panther Eld- 
ridge Cleaver and Roy Innis of CORE — were persuaded to run 
against progressive Black Congressmen Ron Dellums 
(Dem.-Cal.) and Major Owens (Dem.-N.Y.) respectively. 
Both. Cleaver and Innis were backed by far-right and neo- 
fascist forces. Cleaver had the support of the Rev. Sun Myung 
Moon’s Unification Church and other far-right groups, while 
Innis embraced an endorsement from Bernhard Goetz, the New 
Yorker who shot four young Black men in a subway car, and 

Roy Innis, founder of the Congress of Racial Equality 
(CORE), shakes hands with Bernhard Goetz. 

spoke at meetings called by the supporters of Lyndon 
LaRouche (see below). These races were mounted simply to 
harass Dellums and Owens because, in fact, neither Cleaver 
nor Innis has any real base in the Black community. Both were 
severely trounced in the Democratic Party primaries. 

* Clarence Lusane is a freelance writer who frequently contributes to CA1B 

50 CovertAction 

Some noted evangelists are making inroads in the Black 
community. Pat Robertson’s co-host on his “700 Club” 
television program 1 is Black conservative Ben Kinchlow, 
who has visited South Africa and interviewed P. W. Botha. 
And Bishop John L. Meares, the white leader of Evangel 
Temple in Washington has planned a national “Inner City 
Pastors’ Conference” for March 1987 with the theme of “The 
Kingdom Awakening to Reconciliation,” evidently offering a 
fundamentalist approach to race relations. Meares is a 
Pentecostal ist whose beliefs have been likened to those of 
“shepherding” groups, 2 and Bob Mumford, one of the leaders 
of the shepherding movement, is to speak at the conference. ' 

The Moonies 

Since his 1982 conviction and imprisonment for con- 
spiracy, obstruction of justice, and making false statements. 
Rev. Sun Myung Moon has attempted to portray himself as a 
victim of persecution. 4 Moon’s followers have claimed that 
he was subjected to a racial and religious witchhunt. They 
argue therefore that the Black clergy has a particular, vested 
interest in coming to his defense. 

There are two Moon organizations through which outreach 
to Blacks is attempted: The Coalition for Religious Freedom 
(CRF) and CAUSA U.S. A. CAUSA members are often found 
at subway stations and airports around the country soliciting 
signatures on petitions for their various causes. In addition to 
attempting to build support for Moon, the CRF is also known 
for its defense of racist religious institutions. While trying to 
persuade Blacks that they had an interest in defending Moon, 
the CRF was also involved in organized efforts to regain a tax 
exemption for Bob Jones University. Its tax exemption was 
revoked in 1984 because it taught and practiced racial segrega- 

CAUSA sponsors seminars which feature leading right- 
wing ideologues such as Reed Irvine of Accuracy in Media; 
Amaud de Borchgrave, editor of Moon's Washington Times 
and co-author of the anti-Soviet spy novels The Spike and 
Monimbo ; and Eldridge Cleaver. Anti-communist diatribes 
and KGB conspiracy theories dominate these gatherings. 
Blacks, such as Cleaver, are given a platform from which to 
attack Black leaders and organizations. 

The Washington Times regularly runs articles in support of 
the South African-backed renegade Jonas Savimbi who is 
attempting to overthrow the government of Angola. Rather than 
reporting on his murderous raids and lack of support from the 
Angolan people, Savimbi is praised and falsely portrayed as a 
heroic freedom fighter. Roy Innis gained notoriety a few years 

1 . See “Holy Spirit or Holy Spook? " in tins issue. 

2. (Washington Post, December 21. I486. 

3. See "Shepherding,” in this issue. 

4. See "Moon's Law." in this issue. 

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It is not just the Black community into which the 
Moonies have made inroads. Russell Means, former 
American Indian Movement leader, who now works the 
Mopn lecture circuit denouncing the Sandinistas, 
kowtows to CAUSA conferees. 

ago;: 4 with his efforts to recruit American Blacks to join 
Savimbi's South African-financed forces as mercenaries. 

Lyndon LaRouche 

Perhaps the most worrisome efforts by the far Right to win 
Black support are the attempts being made by arch-fanatic 
Lyndon LaRouche. Famous for promoting conspiracy theo- 
ries. uncritical support for Reagan's Star Wars military plans, 
and a super-clandestine life style, LaRouche has begun in the 
past two years to dig his claws into the Black community. 
Through a front organization, the Schiller Institute, LaRouche 
and his followers have initiated serious attempts to organize 
Black backing for his causes. 

LaRouche runs a multi-million dollar empire of publications 
and organizations principally concerned with implementing 
and promoting his various conspiracy causes. Once a self- 
proclajmcd leftist, he now espouses some of the most 
crackpot theories on the right. As cult leader of a following that 
numbers in the thousands internationally, the LaRouchies 
have threatened numerous reporters and researchers attempt- 
ing to expose the true nature of their work. 

The Schiller Institute, headed by Helga Zepp-LaRouche. 
wife and companion of Lyndon, was founded in May 1984. 
The assistant director is Allan Salsbury who is Black. 
Ostensibly an institute to promote German-American friend- 
ship, it has become the principal vehicle through which La- 
Rouche hopes to gain Black followers. One of the Institute's 
first efforts was to organize a march and rally in Washington, 
D,C. on Martin Luther King’s birthday, January 15, 1985. It 
was hypocritically called a march for the “Inalienable Rights of 
Man." According to press reports, between 5,000 and 10,000 
people showed up, mostly Black. The purpose of the march 
was not to celebrate the birthday of King, as in most Black 
communities around the country; the major theme on which the 
Institute was able to win some Black following was a call for 
ending hunger in Africa. This theme was combined with a call 
for support of Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), 
better known as Star Wars. 

Black clergy in particular are targeted by LaRouche. 
According to research done by the Center for Democratic 
Renewal (formerly the National Anti-Klan Network). Black 
ministers Rev. Lamar Keels from Pine Bluff, Arkansas, Rev. 
Wade, Watts from McAlester, Oklahoma, and Rev. James 
Cokley of New York City were all reportedly present at the 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

demonstration. In addition. Montgomery, Alabama NAACP 
president Albert Sankey was quoted by New Solidarity, a 
LaRouche newspaper, as saying "1 can't think ol a better way 
to celebrate Dr. King's birthday... than to mobilize with the 
march on Washington to feed Africa with American tech- 
nology." New Solidarity also reported that a busload came 
from the blackbelt town of Tuskegee, Alabama. 

New Solidarity is filled with pictures of Blacks demonstra- 
ting in support of Star Wars, carrying posters with the bizarre 
theme, “I Have a Dream, Feed Africa, and Build the Beam," 
marching under the banner of the Schiller Institute. According 
to LaRouche. the Schiller Institute has Black supporters and 
members in Chicago, Washington, Los Angeles. Birming- 
ham, and Ohio. Veteran eivil rights activists are shown wav- 
ing U.S. flags and speaking on platforms with white Schiller 
Institute members. Amelia Robinson of Birmingham, who is 
touted as having marched with Dr. King, is featured pro- 
minently speaking in support of Star Wars. 

It is folly to rely solely on LaRouche accounts, however, as 
misrepresentation and blatant lies are a common tactic. For 
example, they falsely claimed that Los Angeles Mayor font 
Bradley proclaimed November 1 2th "Schiller Day In another 
flight of fancy, representatives from the Schiller Institute told 
international audiences that “We've basically taken over the 
civil rights movement in the United States." 

In addition to attempting to woo Blacks to the Schiller In- 
stitute by coating his rightwing wolf in civil rights clothing, 
LaRouche has also fielded a number of Black political 
candidates. In Michigan, he backed Henry Wilson, a retired 
auto worker, for governor. Wilson received only about six 
percent of the vote. In Baltimore, Hazel Judtl ran lor Congress 
in the 7th Congressional District with LaRouche backing. She 
received only about two percent ol the vote. And there have 
been other Blacks who were convinced to run lor office at every 
level ol government. Many appear to be neither affiliated with 
the Schiller Institute nor hard core LaRouche followers. A 
number of them were given free trips around the U.S. and 
abroad and sold the line that they were working towards Black 
empowerment by running for office. 

LaRouche is a hardline racist and no friend of the Black 
community. In the past year in a number ol his publications, 
including New Solidarity, he has hysterically attacked Rev. 
Jesse Jackson, Randall Robinson of TransAfriea. and other 
Black leaders. These attacks have ranged from personal slurs 
to racist epithets to outlandish fabrications. For example, he 
has accused Jackson of being under the control ol the Israeli 
security agency Mossad and the Anti-Delamation League. 
Robinson and others involved in unti-apartheid work were 
accused of not being radical enough and at the same time ol 
being agents of communists, terrorists, and the International 
Monetary Fund (IMF). 

Other Blacks have also been attacked. In the April 2b. 1985 
edition of New Solidarity, a front page article was boldly 
headlined “Mayor Andy Young Backs Genocide Against 
Blacks.” Rep. Walter Fauntroy (Dem.-D.C.) has been called 
an agent of the IMF and an advocate of policies that “will 
murder 300 million Africans." Carrying their anti-Black cam- 
paign further, LaRouche members have disrupted speeches by 
former Georgia State Senator Julian Bond and Jean Young, 
wife of Andy Young. 

5. November 1 0th is the anniversary of the birth of (tcrinan classical poet 
Friedrich Schiller. 

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Yet, it is LaRouche who has allied with the apartheid 
rulers. He has boasted publicly and in his paper that he 
regularly sells information to the South African government. 
According to the New York Times of October 7, 1979, 
LaRouche was paid to produce private reports on the U.S. an- 
ti-apartheid movement for South Africa’s Bureau of State 

On the domestic side, the Ku Klux Klan has figured pro- 
minently in LaRouche activities. Klan members have served 
as LaRouche persona! bodyguards and traveled with him as 
security. The Klan has reciprocated by having high praise for 
LaRouche and his activities. He has also actively defended 
Klansmen, organizing defense work for Pennsylvania Klan 
leader and American Nazi Party activist Roy Frankhouser. who 
later became a part of LaRouche’s inner circle. Frankhouser 
was indicted, along with other LaRouche henchmen, on 
charges of conspiracy and fraud in a credit card ripoff scheme. 

LaRouche is a rabid anti-Semite and has worked with a 
number of neo-fascists in the U.S., including the late arms 
merchant and mercenary trainer Mitch Werbell and segrega- 

tionist Col. Tom McCrary. LaRouche idolized fomier Nazis 
such as past South African state president and apartheid 
architect Nico Diederichs. 


The political sophistication of the Black community will 
eventually beat back any organizing efforts by the far Right. 
The racist and pro-fascist rantings of the Moonies, LaRouche, 
and other rightwingers are already being exposed and de- 
nounced by anti-racist and progressive voices in the Black 

It is important, however, to recognize the political and ideo- 
logical damage that can be done by these groups. Through the 
use of various and ever-changing fronts, political disruption 
can occur and valuable resources and time can be wasted 
attempting to defeat this enemy. Given the apparent decision 
by some sectors of the far Right to win some degree of Black 
support, those who defend democratic rights and racial justice 
must be ever vigilant. • 

Black Church Support for Apartheid 

The progressive religious community in general, and 
Black churches in particular, have always opposed a- 
partheid in South Africa, especially through the divestment 
effort. In the United States, churches have divested hun- 
dreds of millions of dollars in funds from corporations that 
do business in South Africa. 

Recently, however, several Black church figures in the 
tl.S. and in South Africa have helped blunt the general 
thrust of this church work, aimed at isolating the South 
African regime and its corporate supporters, by giving tacit 
or direct support to the views of the White House and the 
South African apartheid regime. While these attempts to 
posit and defend a modest approach to the elimination of 
apartheid are limited to only a few, they are worth noting for 
their potential appeal to their unwary followers. 

In the U.S., Episcopal Bishop John T. Walker has come 
out against divestment as a tactic to bring pressure on 
corporations to stop doing business with apartheid. 
Walker is one of the highest ranking Black clergy in the 
country and until this year supported divestment. Accord- 
ing to Walker, two recent trips to South Africa altered his 
view of the role U.S. business plays in the South African 
political scene. 

He now believes that these corporations can play a 
positive and constructive role under apartheid — (o develop 
more Black businesses and to train more Black supervi- 
sors and managers. Walker’s program, in essence, is an 
updated version of the almost universally disparaged Sul- 
livan Principles. The Sullivan Principles are a set of 
voluntary guidelines to guarantee equity towards Black 
workers on the part of U.S. corporations, but have been 
used as a cover by American businesses to justify their 
continuing investment in apartheid. 

In South Africa itself, the apartheid regime has found a 
friend in Bishop Isaac Mokoena. An enthusiastic supporter 
of Reagan’s constructive engagement policy, Mokoena is 
noted for his extreme conservatism and his attacks on 
Nobel laureate Bishop Desmond Tutu 

^2 CovertAction 

He recently formed the United Christian Conciliation 
Party. The UCCP claims it is a non-racial political party that 
promotes Christian values, multi-racial democracy, and 
free enterprise. There have been reports that the UCCP has 
received money from the Bureau for Information, the chief 
propaganda arm of the apartheid government. When Presi- 
dent P.W. Botha came to power, Mokoena was one of the 
first (and few) Blacks to meet with him. 

Mokoena’s attacks against genuinely recognized Black 
leaders have been childish and vicious. When asked at the 
press conference announcing the UCCP his position on the 
release of African National Congress leader Nelson Man- 
dela, he replied that “it appears primarily up to Ms. Winnie 
Mandela to seek her husband's release.” He appeared on 
South African television on the night that Tutu won the 
Nobel Peace Prize and criticized Tutu for his support of dis- 

While attacking legitimate leaders, Mokoena has been 
making trips abroad arguing for greater foreign investment 
in South Africa. He showed up at the Conservative Party 
conference in England to raise funds and promote the 
UCCP. He has found it impossible to explain, however, 
how the UCCP will run Black candidates in a system that 
explicitly denies Blacks the right to run or vote. On a Jan- 
uary 1986 trip to the U.S., Bishop Mokoena visited the 
National Religious Broadcasters conference (see article in 
this issue), where he appeared at a press conference under 
their auspices. Mokoena, like Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, is a 
favorite with U.S. rightwingers who, embarrassed by the 
foibles and hypocrisy of Reagan’s South Africa policy, are 
constantly seeking Black spokesmen to reflect their poli- 

Tolerance of Bishop Mokoena’s conciliatory attitude to 
apartheid is rapidly waning. The New York Times reported 
on November 25, 1986 that Mokoena was physically 
attacked upon his return to South Africa from a conference 
abroad. According to the Times , four men seized and kicked 
him, and threw him in a mining dump. • 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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The New York Times on the Bulgarian Connection: 

“Objective” News as Systematic Propaganda 

Part II 1 

By Edward S. Herman and Frank Brodhead* 

In November 1986 the New York Times returned once again 
to the “Bulgarian Connection.” This alleged conspiracy organ- 
ized by Bulgaria (and a fortiori the Soviets) to assassinate 
Pope John Paul II may well become a classic example of the 
bias and propaganda service of the western media. In this 
effort the Times distinguished itself by placing its editorial and 
news columns at the disposal of Claire Sterling. Michael 
Ledeen, and other rightwing propagandists. For five years the 
Times pushed the Bulgarian Connection as true, giving full 
attention to every pro-Plot claim, ignoring dissenting views 
and inconvenient facts, and refusing to investigate leads in- 
compatible with the Sterling model of Bulgarian and Soviet 
guilt. 2 When the Bulgarian trial defense finally took the stand 
in Italy and presented its case, from March 4-8. 1986. the 
Times blacked out the story entirely. And when the case con- 
cluded with the acquittal of the Bulgarian defendants on March 
29, 1986. the Times quickly regrouped to the line of defense 
left open by the acquittal for "lack of evidence" — the case 
couldn’t be proved, but suspicions justly remain that the East 
was guilty. 

As is customary, the Court followed its verdict with a 
“Statement of Motivation," a document intended to explain and 
justify its decision. Released in November 1986, the State- 
ment was striking for its length, lack of new insights, and 
failure to address seriously many of the most significant as- 
pects of the case. The Statement, written by the junior judge in 
the case, was virtually ignored by the mass media in Italy and 
elsewhere in Europe. In the United States, however, the 
document served as the occasion to breathe new life into the 
Bulgarian Connection. It was the subject of a Sterlingesque 
news article and an Op-Ed column by Sterling herself in the 
Times (see sidebar), and an editorial along the same lines in 
the Wall Street Journal . 

Selective use of documents 

The attention given by the Times to the recent Statement of 
Motivation illustrates one of the most important means by 

1. The first item in this series, dealing with the Times ' s coverage ol the 
Salvadoran and Nicaraguan elections, appeared in Covert Action Information 
Bulletin , Number 21 (Spring 1984). 

2. This is spelled out in detail in Edward S. Herman and Frank Brodhead. 
The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection (New York: Sheridan Square 
Publications, 1986), Chapter 7. 

‘Edward S. Herman teaches a course in The Political Economy of the Mass 
Media at the University of Pennsylvania; Frank Brodhead is a historian and 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

which "objective journalism" serves a propaganda (unction. 
This is by the selective use of documents, elevating those 
consistent with the propaganda line to prominence, no matter 
how empty of substance they may be. and playing down or 
entirely ignoring those incompatible with the prclerrcd view. 

In the case of the assassination attempt against the Pope, 
once the Times had opted editorially for the Bulgarian Connec- 
tion, its news department simply disregarded a series ol major 
documents that would have raised doubts about the lavored 
line. As one important instance, on July 12. 1984 the Italian 
Parliament issued its long awaited Report of the Parliamentary 
Commission on the Masonic Lodge R- The document de- 
scribed in great detail the penetration of this massive neo- 
fascist enterprise into the military establishment, secret 
services, and judiciary, among others, lhis Report was 
newsworthy in its own right, hut it also had a bearing on the 
Bulgarian Connection case, as if addressed features ol Italian 
institutions that were directly involved in making and pro- 
secuting the case against the Bulgarians. The New York Tones 
never even mentioned the publication ol this Report. 

As a second major illustration, one year later, in July 1985. 
a major Italian court decision was released, which described 
repeated corrupt behavior by officials ol the Italian secret 
service agency SISMI. including the forgery and planting ol 
documents. 1 These officials were also charged with in- 
volvement in a coverup of the agents carrying out the 1980 Bo- 
logna railway station massacre, a terrorist connection that 
would attract frenetic Times coverage when believed to be the 
work of suitable villains. Furthermore. SISMI officials had 
visited Agca in prison and were intimately involved in the 
Bulgarian Connection case. In tact, on May 19, 1981 — six 
days after the assassination attempt — SISMI issued a lorged 
document implicating the Soviet Union in the shooting ol the 
Pope. This forgery was never mentioned in the limes, and the 
July 1985 court decision was barely noted in a back page ar- 

It is evident that these blackouts are of materials that sug 
gest a corrupt Italian process and the possibility that Agca was 
persuaded and coached to pin the plot on the East. A propa- 
ganda agency pushing the Bulgarian Connection as true will 
naturally avoid such documents 

In contrast, each official document that advanced the case, 
or could be so construed, was given strenuous coverage. 
Most notable here was Prosecutor Albano's Report, which 

3. Criminal Court of Rome. .!ud%tncnl in the Muller ot /■ rancesea l'u:icn; a. 
el al., July 29. 1985, signed by Francesco Amato. President ol the Court 

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was featured on the front page of the New York Times under 
Claire Sterling’s byline on June 10, 1984. Sterling was 
obviously a protagonist in the case, 4 and her summary of the 
Albano Report was predictably misleading. The most im- 
portant contribution of the Albano Report was to make public 
the fact that Agca had withdrawn some of his most sensational 
“evidence,” including his claim to have visited Antonov’s 
apartment and met his wife and daughter. This part of the 
Report was blacked out by Sterling and the Times. 

As evidence and proposed scenarios accumulated suggest- 
ing that Agca had been coached, the Times played dumb. The 
Italian press was full of claims in 1983 that Agca had been 
threatened with release into the general prison population if he 
did not talk, and even Martella acknowledged in his Report that 
he had suggested the possibility of a commuted sentence if 
Agca “cooperated.” The Times refused to explore such claims 
and rejected an Op-Ed offering by Diana Johnstone, European 
correspondent of In These Times , that discussed these points. 
In November 1984, Orsan Oymen, the West German corre- 
spondent for the Turkish paper Milliyet, published a pair of 
lengthy and well-documented articles entitled “Behind the 
Scenes of the ‘Agca Investigation,”’ which described various 
Vatican efforts to propagandize the Bulgarian Connection and 
to get Agca to implicate the Bulgarians and Soviets. These 
articles and lines of investigation were ignored by the Times. 

Perhaps the most blatant case of willful ignorance con- 
cerned the Italian fixer and former member of SlStVlI, Fran- 
cesco Pazienza. Wanted for several crimes, Pazienza had fled 

4. See Herman and Brodhead, op. cit., n. 2. pp. 134-46 for details. 

Italy and in 1985 resided in exile in New York City. Eventually 
he was seized and held there by the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service. Pazienza had been a partner of Michael 
Ledeen in the “Billygate” affair in Italy, and retained this con- 
nection after Ledeen became General Haig's righthand man in 
Italy in the early days of the Reagan presidency. Pazienza had 
also been a close associate of SISM1 head (and P-2 member) 
Giuseppi Santovito. From 1983 onward it was alleged in the 
Italian press that Pazienza had been involved in getting Agca to 
talk, and he himself eventually made detailed accusations of 
coaching by elements of SISMI. Although Pazienza was 
readily available for interviews in a New York City jail, the 
Times ignored him. Our hypothesis is that they did this 
because if they had talked to him it would have been difficult to 
avoid discussing his connections with Ledeen (an active pro- 
tagonist during the Bulgarian Connection affair) and with Ster- 
ling. The results would not have reflected well on the quality of 
Times sourceing. Pazienza’s story would also have high- 
lighted the Times's suppression of facts concerning the 
corruption of SISMI, and raised questions about coaching. 
This would have disturbed the propaganda line. 

Tagliabue on the Bulgarian Connection: A Case Study 
in Bias 

To show in another way the propagandistic quality of the 
Times' s coverage of the Bulgarian Connection, we will ex- 
amine in detail the article by John Tagliabue, “Verdict on Papal 
Plot, but No Answer,” published on March 31, 1986. This 
piece, which provides a summing up of the case by a veteran 
Times reporter assigned to the Rome trial, is a potential classic 

Claire Sterling: The Master Builder 

While the Times has been the major vehicle for the pro- 
pagation of the Bulgarian Connection in the United States, 
the role of chief propagandist has been filled by Claire Ster- 

To be sure, much of her output has found other outlets, 
including her initial salvo claiming a Bulgarian Connection, 
published by the Reader s Digest in their September 1982 
issue. But it was through the New York Times that Sterling 
made her greatest impact. In its news columns and 
editorials, the Times followed her outlines of the Plot 
faithfully. It published her extensive and highly misleading 
interpretation of the Albano Report on the front page in June 
1984. And it kicked off its coverage of the 1985 trial with an 
article co-authored by Sterling and foreign correspondent 
John Tagliabue. 

The significance of the 77mes-Sterling axis is twofold. 
First, by allowing Sterling the role of supposedly objective 
news analyst and news reporter — despite her clearly 
tendentious role in the development of the Bulgarian Con- 
nection case, and her notorious looseness with essential 
facts concerning “international terrorism” 1 — the Times 

1 . For a discussion, see Herman and Brodhead, The Rise- and Fall of the 
Bulgarian Connection (New York: Sheridan Square Publications. 1986). 
pp. 125-46. See also CA1B, Number 18 (Winter 1983), pp. 12-13; Number 
19 (Spring-Summer 1983), pp, 13-21; Number 21 (Spring 1984), p. 20; 
Number 23 (Spring 1985), pp. 3-38; and Number 25 (Winter 1986), p. 30. 

helped to legitimize views that might otherwise be dis- 
missed as those of a lunatic fringe. Secondly, the Times's 
agenda-setting function for the U.S. media ensured that 
Sterling’s views would be given extremely wide distribu- 
tion, becoming the “common sense" of the news wires and 
informed opinion. 

The most recent developments in the case of the 
Bulgarian Connection display the enduring quality of the 
T/mes-Sterling axis, and the imperviousness of the U.S. 
media to mere fact. On November I I the Italian court 
released its “Statement of Motivation," a 1,200-page 
document intended to explain its earlier decision that found 
all Bulgarian defendants in the case not guilty on the basis 
of insufficient evidence. The statement received little notice 
in Italy, where the case has become a national embarrass- 
ment. In the United States, however, it served in a modest 
way in the process of rehabilitating the Connection as part 
of the Cold War arsenal of usable legends. This Phoenix- 
like re-emergence of the Connection was predicted in our 
Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection , and not un- 
naturally the first steps in its revival bear the imprint of 
Sterling operating through the Times. 

The Times' s (unsigned) news article of November 12 
focused on the Statement’s reiteration of well-worn Ster- 
lingisms, and these were repeated in an Op-Ed by Sterling 
(“Behind Agca's Gun”) on November 2 1 . The core of these 

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of dishonest reporting. We will show how Tagliabue in- 
corporates all of the elements of the Sterling model of the 
Bulgarian Connection, selects facts in accordance with the 
requirements of (he line, and bypasses conflicting facts and 
interpretations. 5 We will comment point by point, referring to 
the paragraph number of the Tagliabue piece presented in a 
separate illustration. 

The framing of the issue. In paragraphs 1-4 Tagliabue 
frames the issue in terms of the failure of the Rome court to 
exonerate completely the Bulgarian defendants and the con- 
sequent possibility or likelihood that they may still be guilty. 
"Few people were surprised by the verdict," states Tagliabue. 
But the failure to find the Bulgarians guilty should have been 
quite surprising, given the long assurances by Sterling and 
associates that the Bulgarians were clearly behind the plot, 
and that, as one of her comrades. Paul Hen/.e. stated, the 
"evidence" has "steadily accumulated to the point where little 
real doubt is now possible." 1 ’ 

An alternative frame would have been as follows: After a 
three-year investigation and lengthy trial, backed by the 
resources of the Italian state, and despite the powerful inter- 
's linmcdisilcly after the shooting of the Pope in 19X1. Tagliabue. then a 
Times correspondent in West Germany, wrote some enlightening articles on 
Agca's Turkish fascist connections. All of tins material was ignored by 
Tagliabue after he became the Times ' s correspondent at the Rome trial in 19X5. 
His first story on the trial, significantly, was co-authored with Claire Sterling, 
and his coverage of the trial remained faithful to her model. 

6. Paul llenrc. The Thu to Kill the Tope (New York: Charles Scribner's. 
19X51. p. 19b. 

articles stressed Agca’s knowledge of facts about the 
Bulgarian co-defendants: suspicions raised by the Bulgar- 
ians' alibis: Agca's knowledge of the now famous truck, 
which was loaded at the Bulgarian Embassy on the very day 
of the assassination attempt, and which was supposedly to 
be used to help the assassins make their getaway: and, 
most importantly, the Sterlingesque claim that Agca's out- 
bursts on the witness stand were "signals" to his Bulgarian 
co-conspirators. This latter point was reiterated in a Wall 
Street Journal editorial a week later (November 18. 1986). 
which claimed that "Agca knew that if he didn't undermine 
the case against the communists, his worst sentence might 
well be the one another apparent enemy of the Bulgarian 
state. Georgi Markov, received in London at the end of a 
poisoned umbrella." 

The Statement of Motivation was obviously intended to 
support the jury's earlier verdict. The document contained 
almost nothing new. and was largely a rehash of the pro- 
secution case outlined in the Martella Report. Neverthe- 
less, Sterling, the Wall Street Journal . and the Times 
characteristically refrained from noting that the Statement's 
few novelties tended to undermine the Bulgarian Connec- 
tion. Thus the Statement concluded that there was not a 
second gunman at St. Peter's Square on the day of the 
assassination attempt, as the Martella Report had main- 
tained. Nor was there evidence of any "diversionary” activ- 
ity by a co-conspirator in the Square, as Martella. Sterling, 
and Henze had suggested. Moreover, according to the 
Statement, the only evidence of any conspiracy at all argues 
for an exclusively Turkish operation, consisting of the 
network ol Gray Wolves that assisted Agca in his escape 

ests in Italy and the West with a stake in finding the Bulgarians 
guilty, the prosecution still failed to persuade an Italian jury of 
Bulgarian guilt. These vested interests and their propaganda 
vehicles were given a bone to chew on. however, in the form of 
a decision to dismiss the charge for "lack of evidence." rather 
than complete exoneration. This then allowed the propaganda 
agencies to frame the case in the Tagliabue manner. 

Protection of the Italian judicial process. Throughout the 
history of the case the Times blacked out evidence of the com- 
promised quality of the Italian institutions involved in pursu- 
ing the Connection. Investigating Judge Martella was always 
treated as a model of probity, and conflicting facts were 
ignored. 7 Note how in paragraph 14 Tagliabue wastes space on 
a gratuitous and irrelevant accolade to Martella (which is also 
given a sub-heading for emphasis). His statement that "Feu 
people stood up to assail the magistrate" is absurd, as the trial 
witnesses were asked to give concrete evidence on the facts of 
the case: they were not in a position to assail the pretrial in- 
vestigating magistrate and any such attempts would have been 
impermissible in the courtroom. Only the Bulgarian defense 
was well qualified and able to assail Martella. and they did so. 
in effective statements that were unreported in the Times. In 
paragraph I 1 Tagliabue points out that although the trial was 
supposed merely to verify the findings of the preliminary in- 
vestigation, in fact the prosecution did a great deal of new in 

7. For example. Martclla's lack ol eoitlml over Agca's ' isilors ami re.ulme 
materials badly compromised the ease, as did the distressing number ol leaks 
that came out of his supposedly secret investigation. See Herman and 
Brodhead. op fit., n. 2. pp. 1 1 8-21). 

from prison and sheltered him during his wanderings in 
Western Europe. Sterling and company would have us 
believe that this network was "rented " by the Bulgarians to 
assassinate the Pope. And while the Sterlingites admit that 
their case for this rests exclusively on Agca's testimony, 
they maintain that this testimony has been corroborated in 
many particulars, and the uncorroborated part is thus 
believable. But the Statement of Motivation maintains that 
"Agca’s statements have never received corroboration, and 
have never led to any concrete results." This observation 
was not reported by Sterling, the Times, or the Wall Street 

The case of the Bulgarian Connection has followed a nat- 
ural life cycle common to similar episodes of inventive dis- 
information. An initial media swallowing of extremely im- 
plausible charges of Bulgarian (and Soviet) perfidy easily 
withstood a failure to substantiate them and the gradual 
accumulation of contrary evidence. While this particular 
example of Free World propaganda distinguished itself by 
the public ravings of Agca at his trial, and by an earlier peri- 
od (pre-Connection) in which a very different story was 
developed by the media, it is not essentially different from 
similar disinformation ventures (the Libyan "hit squad." 
“Yellow Rain," the KAL-007 shootdown, the Nicaraguan 
MIGs of 1984. etc.) in which initial claims of Enemy guilt 
were printed without qualification on the front pages, and 
the later disintegration of the case was confined to the in- 
side pages or omitted altogether from the "newspaper of 
record." Like these other ventures, the Bulgarian Connec- 
tion is available for continuing service if the Free World 
struggle against the Enemy requires it • 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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vestigative work. This suggests that the trial court found 
Martella’s investigation sadly lacking, but Tagliabue never 
addresses the point. 

Agca's desertion of the cose. An important part of the 
apologetic framework is the claim that Agea, who had pre- 
sented an allegedly coherent version of a Connection up to the 
trial, suddenly did an about face and refused to testify 
altogether (paragraphs 6-7). Furthermore, his behavior sup- 
posedly became totally erratic, apparently intended to torpedo 
the case (paragraph 10). The prosecutor couldn’t overcome this 

In reality, Agca's claims emerged very slowly and con- 
tradictorily, with dozens of retractions that, taken together, are 
best explained by coaching, outside information, and guesses 
by Agca as to what Martella and the press would like to hear.* 
It took Agca 17 months from the time of his imprisonment to 
name a Bulgarian — seven months from the time when he 

8. Sec ibid., pp. 102 ff. 

agreed to cooperate with the authorities. His descriptions of 
the Bulgarians changed on an almost daily basis. His core 
claims of links to Bulgarians were never substantiated by a 
single independent witness, and posited behavior by the 
Bulgarians that violated common sense and every principle of 

The claim that Agca became more erratic during the trial is 
not based on evidence. Agca’s persistently erratic behavior 
was obscured by the secrecy of his earlier testimony, but it is 
clear from the Martella Report that he was already claiming to 
be Jesus and displaying other symptoms of irrationality. Fur- 
thermore, Tagliabue’s statement that Agca refused to coop- 
erate during the trial is false — Agca periodically withdrew 
from the proceedings when his testimony became too in- 
coherent, but he always returned to the stand, and he answered 
a vast number of questions. One hypothesis that Tagliabue 
never entertains is this: If Agca's claims were based on 
coaching and/or imagination, in an open court he would be vul- 
nerable and quickly pushed to the wall. No longer protected by 


Verdict on Papal Plot, but No Answer 





ROME. March 30 — An Italian 
court's decision ao Saturday to acquit 
t hr ee Bulgarian* “for lack of prooT' 
leaves uoresotved the queatioo of 
whether they conspired to assassinate 
Pope John Paul II. 

Few people were t 
prised bv the verdict si 
the public prosecutor, in 
an unusual plea I 
month, admitted bis lack 
of conclusive cvidoicc for 
a "Bulgarian connection'' to the 1981 
attack on the Pope and asked far (he 
Bulgarians' acquittal. 

The de ci si on by the prosecutor. Anto- 
nio Marini, was in part a declaration of 
despair, far the formula "for lack of 
proof” implies that evidence exists 
supporting both the guilt and the inno- 
cence of the defendants, and that the 
court Is powerless to reach s conclusive 

Under Italian law, criminal cases 
can end with any of three verelcts A 
defendant can be declared guilty, not 
guilty, or. if the evidence is ambiguous, 
acquitted for lack of proof. 

Over 10 months and through 98 ses- 
sions that produced more than H.000 
pages of testimony, the court of two 
judges and three lav jurors sifted evi- 
dence from a broad range of sources, 
but Its mainstream of incriminating 
charges against the Bulgarian defend- 
ants flowed from the capncious M ch- 
ute* All Agca, the Pope's convicted as- 1 
sailant and the state's key witness. 

In the 23- month investigation that led 
to the trial, Mr. Agca had given investi- 
gators — with many backtracks, con- 
tradictions and corrections — a broad 
picture of events leading up to the as- 
sassination attempt, including a Bul- 
garian role in enlisting him and then 
assisting him during his stay In Italy up 
to the day of the shooting 

Then on the trial's first day last May 
27, Mr. Agca did an about-face. The 
Turkish gunman refused to discuss the 
details of his charges of a Bulgarian 
connection, merely stating repeatedly. 
"I confirm everything.” 

More unsettling, his behavior, never 
predictable, became totally erratic. 
Day after day, to the distress of (be 
prosecution, Mr. Agca declared m 
court that he was Jesus. He kept fling- 
tag Ms apocalyptic pnmouncetnents, 
such sa that his shooting of the Pope fit 
taco the mysteries of Fatima, or that 
the work! was about to end. 

Prosecutor Marini, faced with the 
collapse of his case through behavior 
diet transformed the principal witness 
into m that most American courts 
wmikj probably have rejected out of 

56 CovertAction 

hand, declared that none of Mr. Agca's 
testimony con*d be taken at its ftwa 
value wiihou outside corroboration. 
For the prose c ution, that was the 
beginning of the end. 

ft i gg is mi Par psss fM Shift 
“This trial should have ended last 
May 27.” Mr. Agca (old the court last 
| August, suggesting that Ms shift in< 

' behavior may have been designed to 
e eflarts of 


torpedo the eflarts of the court, though 
for what reason he did not say. 

The court made valiant efforts to sur- 
mount the obstacle. Though Italian 
trials are essentially verifications of 
cases put together In pretrial Investiga- 
tions by maamrates, Mr. MartnJ trav- 
eled to a half dozen European countries 
to hear new witnesses His efforts were 
aided by arrests of key associates of 
Mr. Agca. including Abdullah Calli. an 
obscure right-wing terrorist and drug! 
trafficker, and Yalcin Oxbey, another I 
suspected terrorist who had known Mr. : 
Agca before the shooting. 

There were partial confirmations of j 
Mr Agca* axnplex tale. Mr. Oxbey ' 
said the Bulgarians had Indeed wanted 
to use Mr Agca to shoot ihe Pope, but 
did not trust him Mr. Calli hinted at 
obscure seem service contacts with I 
West German .melligence. and of pay- 1 
menis for unspecified purposes t 
Turks involved in the investigations. 

The court pushed its efforts rough 
last summer, but Mr Marini and & 
Jurt-r u.cjwbtr; j* thr court were never 
-tie tn . sc. - '.7 .. i‘ w :.tjLoi „ung evi- 
dence for assertions Mr. Agca had de- 
scribed us such detail. And without Ms 
assistance, the search was to prove fu- 

Magistrate Escaped Criticism 
Few people stood up to assail the 


magistrate who had assembled the 
case against the Bulgarians. The 
magistrate, llano Martella, had 
gained a reputation for honesty and 
doggedness, but he had also promoted 
Mr Agca to the key player in the 

But the prosecution's failure before 
the court was perhaps the most punish- 
ing commentary on the case he had 
prepared. For with the discrediting of 
Mr. Agca’s testimony, the edifice or die 
prosecution's arguments proved too 
unstable to *qg»rt. 

The court’s decision Saturday thus 
puts an cod to the legal pursuit of the 
Bulgarians, since the prosecution hM 
said It would not appeal. The Bulgar- 
ians’ defence attorneys have said they 
would contest the dec is ion, seeking full 

But the verdict is likely to turn the 
Bulgarian connection into one of many 
judicial battles that remain heatedBv 
contested. The Italian court’s ambigt 



ous decision gives grounds for some 
critics to continue to maintain chat the 
Bulgarians, probably at the instigation 
of the Soviet Union, arranged tiw shoot- 
ing to eliminate the Polish-bom Pope, 
presumably in an effort to crock reli- 
gious-inspired resistance to Commu- 
nist nil# in Poland. 

But the acquittal also supports others 
who contend that Sergei I. Antonov and 
two other former Bulgarian officials 
acquitted here were the victims, at 
best of s malfunctioning of Italian Jus- 
tice. at worst of a Western intelligence 
plot to pin the shooting of the Pope on 
Soviet bloc governments. 

Setting of East-West Tenska 
Whether or not the charges against 
the Bulgarians were true, their emer- 
gence at the nadir of Sovlet-American 
relations in the earty 1180’s gained 
them additional credence among many 
in the West. There were frequent 
charges of Bulgarian complicity in 
Soviet bloc efforts to subvert govern- 
ments in the eastern Mediterranean, 
like Turkey, by smuggling arms often 
paid for by the drug trade. 

Indeed. Mr Agca and many of his 
nght -wing associates were the prod- 
ucts of grave political tensions m their 
native Turkey that pined violent leftist 
terrorists against their counterparts or 
the tight. Both sides were purportedly 
supported by the Bulgarians, who 
sought to promote instability, regard- 
less of its ideological source, in a nation 
allied ihb United States. 

Similarly, though with less vtro- 
cnee, tensions between the left and 
right in Italy ran high at the time, when 
Italy’s large Communist Party was 
near the top of its postwar influence. 

Italian magistrates, acting at the in- 
stigation of informers, investigated) 
charges that Bulgarian agents had 
sought to kill Lech Waleaa. the founder' 
of the Solidarity labor movement in Po- 
land, when he visited Italy 
Underlying all this was the fact that 
the wounding of the Pope came at a 
time of swelling resistance to Commu- 
nism in Poland, where the election of a 
Polish Pope was viewed, not least by 
the Soviet Union, as a signal of spiritual 
support for the growing discontent. 

Haw Ha Kjmw What Ha gnaw 

The key factual question is probably 
how Mr. Agca knew what he knew and 
whoi be knew it. On the answer to this 
question hangs the credibility of Me; 

Over the course at his nearly two 
years of crosa-qunationing, the Turidsfc 
gunman rrvwied many details about 
the Bulgarians — descriptions of their 
apartments, details of their personal 
habits, phone numbers and nicknames 
The simplest explanation is that Mr. 

Agca got such information ui tus jail 
cell from assiduous attention to televi- 
sion and close study of newspapers, 
magazines and publications of all sorts 
— s study that prompted Judge 
Sevenno Santiapkhi to wonder aloud in 
desperation who was paying for all the 

But even attorneys for the Bulgar- 
ians acknowledge that many of the de- 
tails did not appear In Italian publica- 
tion, if at ail. until after Mr Agca 
mentioned them to his Interrogators. 

Another view la that Mr. Agca and 
Ms associates drew their information 
•bout the Bulgarians from outer coo- 
taexs, in the business of smuggling guns 
or drugs from tbs eastern Mediterra- 
nean to the Vest. 

Spart 2 

Mr. Agca is known to have spent 
nearly two months hi Bulgaria In the 

summer of 1988, and information 

gleaned from such slays could have 
formed the basts of his later assertions 

The more sinister view, espoused by 
critics of the case on the pod tics I left. 
Including Soviet bloc governments, is 
that Mr. Agca was fad ihe information 
by Western Intelligence services intent 
on building a case against the Soviet 

Only c 
all the debate - 

certain after 
that even If someday 

Mr. Agca sneaks the troth, he has so 
*" dhukrw 

s knowledge of the facts as 
a bargaining cMp with Italians, Bul- 
garians, Turks mad anyone he per- 
ceives as able to help him that law arc 
likely to believe turn. 

"The Bulgarians continue to heap dn- 
i oundations on him,” Mr. Agca’s court- 
I appointed defense attorney, Pietro 
* d’OvIdlo, said at the trial's conclusion. 
“In fact; they should be thankful toJ 

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Martella, Agca failed to produce his "evidence " — and fre- 
quently withdrew in confusion — because he had nothing real to 
offer the Court. 

Tagliabue also never asks this further question: Even if 
Agca had clammed up (which was not true), given the ex- 
tensive Martella investigation and report, why would the Court 
not be able to follow the already established leads to a suc- 
cessful outcome .’ Why was not a single witness produced to 
confirm Agca's allegations of numerous meetings and trips 
with Bulgarians in Rome? Why was the car allegedly rented by 
the Bulgarians never found'.’ Where is the money supposedly 
given to Agca? Tagliabue plays dumb. 

"Partial confirmation" of Agio's tale. In paragraph 12 
Tagliabue describes some alleged partial confirmations of 
Agca's claims. The first is that "Mr. Ozbey said the 
Bulgarians had indeed wanted to use Mr. Agca to shoot the 
Pope, but did not trust him." But this is not a partial confirma- 
tion if the net result was that the Bulgarians tailed to hire Agca. 
Furthermore, another reporter present when Ozbey testified in 
Rome claims that Ozbey did not tell the Court that the 
Bulgarians "wanted to use" Agca. According to Wolfgang 
Achtner of ABC-TV News in Rome, the only thing Ozbey said 
was that the Bulgarians "listened with interest, but behaved 
with indifference" (the translation by the Turkish interpreter in 
court) or "listened with interest but didn't take it seriously” 
(Achtner’s own translation). In short, it would appear that 
Tagliabue has doctored the evidence. 

The other "partial confirmation” is that "Catli hinted at 
obscure secret service contacts with West German intelli- 
gence. and of payments for unspecified purposes to Turks 
involved in the investigations." This vague statement does not 
even mention the plot against the Pope and is partial confirma- 
tion of nothing. The most important Catli evidence was his 
description of the attempt by the West German police to bribe 
Ozbey and Agca's supposed co-conspirator Oral Celik to 
come to West Germany and confirm Agca's claims. As this 
supports the coaching hypothesis. Tagliabue blacks it out. 
The only other testimony by Catli mentioning the secret 
services involved Gray Wolves leader Ali Batman, who told 
Catli he had heard from the German secret police that at a meet- 
ing in Romania the Warsaw Pact powers had decided to kill the 
Pope. This was apparently a leak of the torged SISM1 
document of May 19. 1981. which had made this claim. Thus 
the hearsay recounting of the substance ot a forgery is 
Tagliabue's "partial confirmation” of Agca's claims ot a Plot! 

We should also note that while he cites these "partial con- 
firmations," nowhere does Tagliabue list the contentions ol 
Agca that remained unconfirmed. 

The Soviet-Bulgurian malice. Two of Tagliabue's 32 
paragraphs (17 and 23) were devoted to expounding the Soviet 
motive in allegedly sponsoring Agca's assassination attempt: 
"to crack religiously inspired resistance to Communist rule in 
Poland." Tagliabue here follows a longstanding Times tradi- 
tion of absolutely refusing to allow- a counterargument to be 
voiced on this issue. Even if they covered their tracks well, a 
Soviet-inspired murder of the Pope would have been blamed on 
the Soviets, solidified Polish hostility, and had enormously 
damaging effects on Soviet relations with Western Europe. 
Thus it would have been risky without any offsetting bene- 

4. for a further discussion of the alleged Soviet motive, see ibid., pp. 
14 - !.*>. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

John Tagliabue, New York Times disinformationist. 

Who gained and who lost from the Plot? Were there any 
possible western motives that might bear on the case? 
Tagliabue follows the Sterling line in tailing to raise these 
questions. But once Agca was imprisoned in Italy, cold 
warriors of the West had much to gain and little to lose by ma- 
nipulating Agca to pin the assassination attempt on the East. 
Tagliabue mentions (in paragraph 19) that the charges ol a 
Bulgarian Connection surfaced "at the nadir" ol U.S. -Soviet 
relations. While he notes how this added to the credibility ol 
the Plot in the West, he never hints at the possibility that its 
serviceabiity to the new Cold War might explain Agca s 
belated confession. 

Agca s stay in Bulgaria. This has always been critical in the 
Sterling-TYmc.v scenarios. What is always unmentioned is that 
bringing Agca for a long stay in Sofia would have been a viola- 
tion of the rule of plausible deniability. Even more so would be 
using Bulgarians to help Agca in Rome Tagliabue does not 
mention the question of plausible deniability. He also tails to 
note that if Agca had stayed in Sofia for a while, this would al- 
low a prima facie case to be made by a western propagandist 
that the East was behind the shooting, and could provide the 
basic materials for working Agca over for the desired conics 

Bulgarian involvement in Turkey. Tagliabue asserts (para- 
graph 20) that the Bulgarians were "purportedly" supporting 
both the extreme Left and Right in Turkey "to promote instabil- 
ity" in a conflict “that pitted violent leftist terrorists against 
their counterparts on the right." This is a Sterling myth, with 
Tagliabue hiding behind "purportedly" to allow him to pass oil 
myth as purported evidence. The equating ol 1 .el t and Right in 
the Turkish violence of the 1970s is false: the great majority ol 
violent attacks were launched by the Gray Wolves, under the 

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protection of the police and military. Tagliabue also fails to 
discuss the fact that the extreme Right actually participated in 
the government in 1 977 and had extensive links to the army and 

intelligence services. The claim of Bulgarian support for both 
the Right and Left is not sensible and has never been supported 
by evidence. Tagliabue never mentions that the the United 

Sterling on Breytenbach and South Africa 

In her The Terror Network and in a review of the book 
End Papers in the Wall Street Journal of October 10. 1986 
(“An Anti-Apartheid Afrikaner on the Record"). Claire 
Sterling uses and abuses the writings of the South African 
poet and fighter against apartheid , Breyton Breytenbach. in 
ways that are revealing of her qualities as a journalist and 
her fundamental apologetics for the South African apartheid 

Let us start with a few examples of her pervasive dis- 
honesty. First, in both The Terror Network and the review, 
Sterling puts enormous weight on the fact that, after being 
arrested by the South African police in 1975, Breytenbach 
pleaded guilty, and told the South African court "that he was 
wrong” (Sterling), “that my doings were stupid and that 
with which I became involved with good intentions could 
lead to harm for other people” (Breytenbach). If Breyten- 
bach’s statements had been made in a Soviet court after a 
lengthy incarceration. Sterling would have laughed; but 
South Africa is part of the Free World, and she nowhere 
discusses the threats and coercion applied to Breytenbach, 
even though the process which produced his courtroom 
statement occupies many pages of his prison memoirs. The 
True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist. He instructs us in 
the Confessions to "hear the insidious voice of the con- 
troller" in his prison and court statements. Instead, Ster- 
ling takes his staements and confessions from prison and 
court at face value, even though he later repudiated them. 

Second, Sterling misrepresents Breytenbach 's attitudes 
toward Henri Curiel. It is a major purpose of her Wall Street 
Journal review to suggest once again that Curiel. a long- 
time supporter of Third World liberation movements, was 
in fact a KGB agent. 1 Thus Sterling quotes from Breyten- 
bach's True Confessions: "Seldom have I met someone so 
single-minded and so warped by his single-mindedness." 
She does not quote his warm accolade to Curiel on the very 
next page; “An inspiring man, a limpid ideologue, and a 
man who remained committed to the better instincts of man- 
kind. Never did he lose sight of the ongoing eternal struggle 
for justice and a slightly larger measure of freedom” (p. 89). 

Third, Sterling misrepresents Brey ten bach’s position 
on the need for revolution in South Africa. Sterling says, 
“The primal question he asks in this book about South Afri- 
ca today: ‘Can reform still obviate revolution?’ goes un- 
answered.” This is a fabrication. Breytenbach closes his 
essay on the question “Can Reform Still Obviate Revolu- 
tion,” as follows; 

The strategy of reform, although modifying some 
elements of the data, ha s ultimately no grip on the future. 

I . See other sidebar for a brief account of her loss of Paris slander suits 
for such characterizations of Curiel. See also CAIB. Number 19 
(Spring-Summer 1983). pp 15-16. 

And although there is not yet a majority strategy for 
revolution, there is a depth to the despair and the bitter- 
ness and the resolution of the people (and an inner libera- 
tion too: a cultural awareness, a political tempering) that 
expresses itself in a willingness to die for the cause, in 
the burning of corpses, in the attempts to create auton- 
omous power centers and germinal people's armies. The 
mourning, the strikes, the marching, the acrid smoke, 
the breakdown of White-imposed civic structures, the 
refusal to accept White "peace" — these Hash one clear 
signal; the point of no return has been reached. The civil 
war has already started. [Page 200.] 

Sterling’s fundamental apologetic for the apartheid 
regime is, of course, indirect. Like Ronald Reagan, Ster- 
ling is “against apartheid" and allegedly concerned with the 
condition of the Black majority. But she does not dwell very 
much on the actual conditions of the Blacks and the forms of 
repression they suffer, and the eloquence that Breytenbach 
brings to this subject — e.g ., “we know from the inquest 
into the Uitenhage massacre that the police have orders to 
shoot to kill. And they do. Women and kids. From the 
back” — never finds its way into Sterling's accounts. In- 
stead, the burden of her argument is that anybody who tries 
to do anything serious for South African Blacks — like 
Curiel, Breytenbach, and the African National Con- 
gress — are “being used" by sinister forces. (For Sterling, 
the story of Breytenbach is “not just of his own human 
weakness, but of how cynically he has been used by harder 
heads than his.’’) But if Sterling and her primary source, 
French journalist George Suffert, collaborate with South 
African intelligence in attacking the ANC and all of its 
supporters, are they not “being used” by the apartheid 
regime? The point never arises for Sterling. 

In her review of End Papers Sterling says that Breyten- 
bach was wrong in supporting armed struggle, because “it 
opened appalling prospects of biblical massacre for black 
South Africans.” Sterling, unfortunately, has not chosen to 
discuss in any detail the actual degree of oppression and 
desperation of the Black majority, nor to denounce it, nor to 
propose any constructive solutions. She does not urge a 
rigorous arms embargo on South Africa, nor the arming of 
the frontline states that have already suffered large mas- 
sacres and starvation from South African destabilization. 
Sneering at “parlor pinks" like Breytenbach and others who 
urge revolution, and once again totally oblivious of her own 
role of "parlor (and journalist) counterrevolutionary,” Ster- 
ling advises the Black South Africans to wait for the "quiet 
diplomacy” of the freedom-loving West to alleviate their 
condition. In short. Sterling is a de facto ally of the 
apartheid regime and supporter of its violence at home and 
abroad. • 

58 CovertAction 

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States had more than •‘purported” links with the Turkish army, 
secret services, and the fascist Nationalist Action Party and 
that the terrorist events of the late 1970s eventually served 
U.S. interests well. 

Ke\ question: how Agfa knew so much. This is the key 
question forTagliabue (paragraph 24), but there are others that 
he might have raised if he had worked outside the Sterling 
format. Why did it take Agca so long to name Bulgarians'? Was 
he subject to any coercion or offered any positive inducements 

to make him talk? Why did his 'evidence" accumulate so 
slowly and require continuous amendment? Why did he have to 
make major retractions? Is a judicial process not hopelessly 
compromised when a prisoner with a vested interest in lying 
says what his interrogators want him to say? Where he can lie 
incessantly and amend claims without penalty? Where he is in 
regular touch with the outside world to get new facts as the 
basis for altering obsolete claims? 

“ Even the attorneys for the Bulgarians... " In assessing 

How the New York Times Protects Its Disinformation Sources 

Just as it ignores documents incompatible with its 
editorial lines, so the Times also protects its disinformation 
sources by blacking out important information that would 
put their work in a negative light. For example, Claire Ster- 
ling's numerous attacks on the murdered French activist- 
radical Henri Curiel resulted in suits for slander brought 
against Sterling and her publisher in Paris. The New York 
Times has never even mentioned these slander suits, which 
would put Sterling in a bad light not only because she lost 
them in whole or in part, but also because of the insight they 
provide concerning her sources and methods. Sterling had 
gotten much of her information from journalist George Suf- 
fert, who was a conduit for French and South African in- 
telligence, and who obligingly placed the African National 
Congress at the top of his list of "terrorist" organizations. 
In her The Terror Network Sterling strongly intimated that 
Curiel was a KGB agent, but the French court, on the basis 
of docupients provided by French intelligence, found no 
support for this claim. Thus cornered. Sterling retreated to 
the defense that her insinuation of Curiel’s KGB connection 
was merely a "hypothesis" rather than an assertion of fact. 
The case, in short, showed that she was a conduit of dis- 
information, quite prepared to slander a murdered radical on 
the basis of claims by extreme rightwing disinformation 

Michael Ledeen, a neo-conservative activist and dis- 
informationist with ready access to the Times, has also re- 
ceived its close protection. His book Grave New World was 
reviewed in the Times by William Griffith, a Reader's Di- 
gest "roving editor” and MIT political scientist, who found 
Ledeen's version of the Bulgarian Connection entirely con- 
vincing. 1 Ledeen was deeply involved with Francesco 
Pazienza in the "Billygatc" affair and had numerous con- 
tacts with Italian intelligence and the Italian extreme Right. 
The Italian fascist and head of P-2, Licio Gelli. hiding in 
Uruguay, instructed one of his accomplices to convey a 
manuscript to Ledeen. Pazienza claimed that Ledeen was a 
member of the Italian intelligence agency SISMI, with code 
number Z-3. Ledeen received over $100,000 from SISMI 
for various services, including the supplying of stale U.S. 
intelligence reports that SISMI then passed off as its own. 
Ledeen funneled this money into a Bermuda bank account. 

I . For an evaluation of Grave New World and Ledeen on the Bulgarian 
Connection, see Herman and Brodhead. The Rise and Foil of the Bulgarian 
Connection (New York: Sheridan Square Publications. 19X6), pp. 162-73. 
See also ' Disinformationgatc," in this issue. 

His manipulative activities in Italy were on such a scale that 
in the summer of 1984 a newly appointed head ol SISMI told 
the Italian Parliament that Ledeen was a "meddler" and 
persona non grata in Italy. None ol these points was ever 
disclosed in the Times. 

Nor did the Times properly dispose of another com- 
promised source on the Bulgarian Connection, the Bulgar- 
ian defector Iordan Mantarov. Mantarov's testimony about 
the Bulgarian role in the attempt on the Pope was the 
centerpiece of a long, front-page article by the Times's own 
correspondent, Nicholas Gage. The article, published in 
March 1983, described Mantarov us a former commercial 
attache at the Bulgarian Embassy in Paris. The Bulgarian 
counter-claim, that Mantarov had only been an agricultural 
mechanic, was later accepted by the Times's loreign editor 
Craig Whitney, but the acknowledgement was given only 
two inches of space on an inside page, and the case that 
Gage had built on the basis of Mantarov's supposed inside 
knowledge was not only allowed to stand uncontested by 
the Times , but this “newspaper of record" continued to 
regard Gage's contribution as a confirmation of Sterling's 
basic claim of a Bulgarian Connection. 

As a final example, the Times has extended sustained 
journalistic immunity to the Soviet defector Arkady Shev- 
chenko. whose memoir Breaking Willi Moscow made the 
best-seller list in 1985. Shevchenko, a former Soviet diplo- 
mat at the U.N., claimed intimate familiarity with the inner 
circles of the Kremlin, and has passed himsell oil as an 
expert on the decision-making process in the Soviet Union. 
These claims were quickly debunked in a pair ol line in- 
vestigative articles in the Washington Rost and the New 
Republic, which showed that Shevchenko simply could not 
have done a number of things he claimed, and pointed out 
that an earlier draft of his memoirs, which omitted any 
claims to Kremlin-insider or super-mole status, had been 
rejected by publishers as lacking in new revelations and 
thus salability. Neither of these exposes — whose claims 
were never refuted by Shevchenko or his publishers — 
interfered in the least with the Times's (and other media out- 
lets’) interest in using Shevchenko as an expert-commen- 
tator on Soviet affairs. Thus the Times published Shev- 
chenko’s Op-Ed on the redefection ot Soviet KGB olticial 
Vitaly Yurchenko (November 12, 1985). and the New York 
Times Book Review printed two lavorable reviews ol 
Breaking With Moscow (December 8. 1985 and January 2b, 
1986), neither of which mentioned any of the doubts that had 
been raised about its authenticity. • 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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how Agca knew so much, Tagliabue allocates only one para- 
graph- to the possibility that Agca was coached. He goes to 
great pains to stress that Agca knew an awful lot — telephone 
numbers, personal habits, nicknames. He even gives space 
equal to that allotted to coaching to Agca’s stay in Bulgaria, 
purportedly on the ground that Agca might have learned all the 
details in Bulgaria. But this is fraudulent: There is no way that 
a non-Bulgarian-speaking Turk could have learned in Bulgaria 
the details of the Rome apartments and nicknames of Bulgarian 
officials in Rome. Tagliabue is using this as a gimmick to drag 
in the fact that Agca stayed in Bulgaria. 

Tagliabue gives as the “simplest explanation” of Agca's 
knowledge that he had access to books, newspapers, maga- 
zines, and other materials from the outside. Interestingly, he 
fails to mention the numerous prison contacts between Agca 
and secret service. Mafia, and Vatican agents and emissaries. 
Agca even wrote a letter to the Vatican complaining of pressure 
from its representative in the prison (also linked to the Mafia), 
a point long blacked out by the Times. These visits would point 
to the ease with which Agca could have been fed information 
while in prison. Tagliabue will not admit facts getting into this 
dangerous territory. 

A major question is how Agca knew details about An- 
tonov’s apartment when he later admitted to Martella that he 
had never been there. The Bulgarians and Antonov’s defense 
went to great pains to prove that the information Agca provided 
about Antonov’s apartment had never been divulged in the 
media before Agca enumerated the details. This implied 
coaching, as did a mistake in identification where Agca de- 
scribed a characteristic of Antonov’s apartment that fitted 
other apartments in the building, but not Antonov’s. Tagliabue 
says that “Even the attorneys for the Bulgarians acknowledge" 
that Agca named things not available through reading the 
papers, as if they were conceding a point, not making a dev- 
astating case for coaching. Newspaper work could not be 
more dishonest than this. 

The more sinister view. In the one paragraph in his entire 
article devoted to the possibility of coaching (paragraph 30), 
Tagliabue merely asserts it as a claim, without providing a 
single supportive point of evidence, although there are 
many. 1 " He uses a double propagandist’s putdown — 
ironically designating it as “sinister” extreme, far out, 
wild), and associating the hypothesis with Leftists and the 
Soviet Bloc. Even Tagliabue, in his earlier news reports, had 
mentioned Giovanni Pandico’s statement in Italy outlining a 
scenario of coaching at which he claimed to be present, but 
Tagliabue does not even cite this or any other documents or 
facts that lend support to the coaching hypothesis. He sticks 
to the ingredients that fit the Sterling format— good Martella, 
Agca the betrayer of the case, the Soviet motive, Agca’s visit 
to Bulgaria, and his knowledge of details. All other materials 
are designated "sinister” or blacked out to enhance the 
Credibility of the party line. 

Agca helped the Bulgarians. Tagliabue closes (paragraph 
32) with a quote from somebody who expounds one of his pre- 
ferred themes — that Agca deliberately blew the case. This is 
derived from Sterling’s theory that Agca was always signaling 
somebody in his vacillations. Note how Tagliabue states this 
as a truth, although it is a wholly unproven Sterling gim- 
mick." What was Agca bargaining for in the trial? Did he 

10. Ibid.. Chapter 5. 

1 1. See ibid., pp. 139-41. 

60 CovertAction 

expect the Bulgarians to spring him? To admit their own in- 
volvement in the case by arranging a deal for his release? And 
if he were sabotaging the case in order to win favor with the 
Bulgarians, as the Bulgarians obviously refused to respond, 
why did he not finally decide to do them injury? Tagliabue 
never addresses these points. 

In sum, this is a model case of propaganda under the guise 
of “news.” In this instance there are literal lies (in paragraphs 
1 1 and — hidden behind “purportedly” — in 20), but these are 
perhaps less important than the other systematic distortions. 
Tagliabue and the Times frame the issue in terms of probable 
Bulgarian guilt and the nonsubstantive factors that caused the 
case to be lost. They refuse to discuss the failure to obtain 
confirmation of any factual claims of meetings or deals with 
Bulgarians. They fail to mention and discuss problems of 
plausible deniability. They reiterate the elements of the pre- 
ferred (Sterling) model without noting the illogic or well-known 
counterfacts. They ignore evidence that would support the 
coaching model. They use invidious language only for the dis- 
favored line of argument and spokespersons, manipulating 
words and bending evidence to the desired end. Tagliabue's 
article should be perfect for classroom use in courses on 
propaganda, media bias, and related subjects. • 


By Edward S. Herman 
and Frank Brodhead 

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Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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Frank Carlucci: 

Diplomat, Businessman, Spy 

By Louis Wolf and William Vornberger 

The Iran firestorm demonstrates the duplicity of the 
Reagan administration. The December 2 White House ap- 
pointment of Frank Charles Carlucci III as the President's new 
National Security Adviser was trumpeted by much of the media 
as likely to inflate Reagan's sagging popularity. However. 
Carlucci "s professional history requires careful scrutiny, 
conspicuously absent in most media reviews. 

Carlucci is a survivor. Since 1956. he has held thirteen jobs 
in six federal agencies during four administrations. After 
graduating from Princeton in 1952. he spent two years in the 
Navy, a year at Harvard's graduate business school, and a 
year in low-level commercial jobs. Then, in July 1956. he 
joined the Foreign Service. 

Diplomat or Spook? 

In October 1957 he was posted to Johannesburg. South 
Africa, as an economic officer. In March I960, after six 
months studying French, he was assigned to Leopoldville. 
Congo (now Kinshasa. Zaire). Despite his economic training 
he was assigned as a political officer. One scholar of Zairian 
affairs who worked with Carlucci at the time spoke with CAIB 
on condition of anonymity. "Everyone knew' [Carlucci | was 
working on the intelligence side" of the Congo desk, and that 
while working in the country "there was no doubt that he was 
totally supportive of U S. policy vis-a-vis the leadership, 
which was extremely hostile." 

Less than two months after Carlucci arrived in Leopold 
ville. the CIA began plotting to assassinate President Patrice 
Lumumba. 1 After several intricate, though unsuccessful. 
CIA attempts to poison Lumumba, he was captured on January 
17 by secessionist Katangan forces under CIA tutelage, 
brutally tortured, and murdered. While a direct CIA role in the 
execution was never proved, one CIA officer has confessed to 
driving around the city with Lumumba's still warm corpse in 
his car trunk. J Although Carlucci probably had no physical 
hand in the execution, he and his superiors surely knew of the 
extensive CIA plotting. 

His reward for the successes of Leopoldville was a mid- 
level job on State's Congo desk for two years. There he helped 
support Moise Tshombe who came to power after Lumumba's 

I Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Lenders , report of the Sen- 
ate Select Committee To Study Government Operations with Respect to In- 
telligence Activities. November 20, 1975, pp. 1.1-67. 

2. John Stockwell. In Search of F.nemies: A CM Slots' (New York: Norton. 
I97H). p, 105. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

death. When the Kasavubu government (which threw out 
Tshombe in 1965) considered dismissing mercenaries from 
its armed forces, recognizing the People's Republic of China, 
and strengthening ties with left-nationalist African states, the 
CIA planned its overthrow. The result was a coup placing 
Joseph Mobutu (now Mobutu Sese Seko) in power where he 
has remained a staunch and corrupt U.S. ally for 21 years. For 
his contribution to furthering U.S. foreign policy in the Congo. 
Carlucci was awarded the State Department's Superior Service 

In 1964. he became U.S. principal officer in Zanzibar . in the 
United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar (now Tanzania). 
Eighteen months later he and a U.S. Embassy counselor were 
accused of plotting the overthrow of President Julius Nyererc 
and given 24 hours to leave. An intercepted phone conversa- 
tion between Carlucci and the other official, along with 
documents implicating the U.S. in a plan to use white 
mercenaries to attack the island, led to their ouster. The State 
Department denied the charges, but thirteen years later, during 
Carlucci's Senate confirmation hearing for CIA Deputy Direc- 
tor, the meeting went into secret executive session for a dis- 
cussion of the Zanzibar assignment. 1 

Carlucci was sent to Brazil just alter the elected government 
of Joao Goulurt was overthrown with the help of U.S. military 
attache Vernon Walters and the CIA. bringing to power the 
ruthless Castelo Branco dictatorship. Carlucci stayed in Rio 
de Janeiro as executive officer and then as counselor until 
1969, and openly acknowledged working in "close coopera- 
tion” with the CIA station there 4 

Between 1969 and 1974. Carlucci served in various 
positions and agencies under Caspar Weinberger in the Nixon 
administration. In September 1974. he became a Career 
Minister in the Foreign Service, and in December. Nixon 
appointed him Ambassador to Portugal. A leftwing gov- 
ernment had recently come to power there after 48 years of 
fascist rule, and Carlucci's job was to undemtinc the strength 
of the Portuguese Communist Party. When he was implicated 
in the CIA’s aborted coup led by rightwing military officers, 
the Portuguese military chief Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho 
remarked on television that he could not guarantee Carlucci’s 
personal safety and that "it would without a doubt be preferable 

.1. Continuation hearing of frank C'arlueei III to he Deputy Director ol Ceil 
tral Intelligence. Senate Select Committee on Intel] iecnce. Jarman 77. 1975, 
p. 22. 

4. Ibid., p. 4.1. 

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for Mr. Carlucci to leave Portugal... [because] at the point 
where we are he might experience certain regrettable in- 
cidents.” 5 

Number Two at the CIA 

Carlucci’s three years (1978-1981) as Deputy Director of 
Central Intelligence gave him a first-hand view of the way the 
foreign policy he implemented in the field was formulated at 
headquarters. He demanded, and finally got from CIA Director 
Admiral Stansfield Turner, a written agreement that he would 
have access to the same information as Turner. 

The Washington Post recently reported that ‘in February 
1979, President Carter, National Security Adviser Zbigniew 
Brzezinski, and Admiral Turner sanctioned a secret CIA 
paramilitary sabotage operation against South Yemen, directed 
by Carlucci, even though Turner had called it "harebrained.” 6 
The operation was an utter failure and the CIA’s role was 
readily uncovered by the Yemenis. 

Carlucci lobbied Congress intensively for the CIA, and 
bragged about it. At the 1980 convention of the Association of 
Former Intelligence Officers, he said, “We’ve managed to 
pursue a very aggressive strategy on the Hill. That strategy 
has paid dividends." One of Carlucci’s proudest public 
accomplishments at the CIA was his successful campaign to 
exempt most CIA records from disclosure through the Free- 
dom of Information Act. Additionally he pressed for a 
statutory reduction of limits on CIA operations, even defend- 
ing domestic Agency activities in what have euphemistically 
been called “hot pursuit” cases. 7 He also pressured Congress 
to pass the CIA-authored Intelligence Identities Protection 
Act, signed into law by Reagan in 1982, which purports to 
make it a crime to reveal the name of anyone "of operational 
assistance” to U.S. intelligence. 8 9 

To help preside over the largest U.S. military build-up in 
history, Caspar Weinberger, now Secretary of Defense, 
recruited his old friend Carlucci to be his deputy, a post he held 
from 1981 to 1982. Although Carlucci sought a moral high 
ground by publicly calling for reforms in corrupt weapons pro- 
curement procedures, an appearance of reform rather than real 
change in Pentagon-defense industry dealings was the result. 
Journalists revealed that behind the scenes Carlucci had 
pursued “higher industrial profits, lower risk and closer 
working ties between contractors and the Pentagon. ” y 

In his own private financial dealings Carlucci invests 
heavily in major military-strategic firms. His stock holdings 
and memberships on boards of directors include Dow Chem- 
icals, the Sperry Corporation, the Rand Corporation, the 
Hudson Institute, the Center for Naval Analyses (all of which 

5. Jack Bounderie, “A Tough Little Monkey." in Ellen Ray, el al.. editors. 
Dirty Work II: The CIA in Africa (Secaucus. New Jersey: Lyle Stuart. 1978), 
p. 210. This article first appeared in the French magazine Afrit/ue-Asie. April 
7. 1975. Carlucci once described the counterrevolution in Portugal as saving it 
from "failing into a Communist abyss.” In the same piece he praised 
Portugal's “liberal profit remittance regulations" And. tellingly, he described 
Portugal as “a staunch NATO ally. Its facilities in the Azores arc critical to 
enabling the U.S. and its NATO allies to extend their strategic reach ” Frank 
Carlucci, “Portugal: A Good Trading Partner for the U.S." Business America 
(the official publication of the Information Trade Administration of the De- 
partment of Commerce), June 7, 1985. P. 29. 

6. Washington Post, December 4, 1986. p . A I . 

7. Ronald Brownstein and Nina Easton, Reagan's Ruling Class: Portraits 
of the President's Top 100 Officials. (Washington, DC. The Presidential 
Accountability Group. 1982). p. 444 

8. See CAIB. Number 10 (August-Scptember 1980), p. 3. 

9. Washington Post, March 31. 1985, p. Al. 

Is the NSC the CIA’s 
Washington Station? 

In all the media coverage about covert operations run 
out of the National Security Council, what went largely 
unmentioned was the significant presence of CIA per- 
sonnel on Admiral Poindexter’s NSC staff. Vincent M. 
Cannistraro, a 12-year CIA veteran, and Robert Earle, a 
Marine Corps officer on the CIA payroll since 1985, 
were both assistants to Oliver North at the NSC. 1 
Cannistraro’s primary responsibility was to facilitate 
material support for the Angolan contras. UNITA. 

Several other CIA officers worked out of NSC offices 
during this period. Three known operatives were James 
Stark, Craig Coy, and Clark A. Murdock, director of the 
NSC Africa affairs division. Although these men are in 
the process of returning to Langley, in December 
Carlucci named Fritz W. Ermarth, a controversial CIA 
Sovietologist, as the new NSC Soviet affairs director, 2 
and he also brought back David Barry Kelly, 5 a 20-ycar 
CIA man who worked in the Agency operations di- 
rectorate under Turner and himself, as his NSC in- 
telligence/antiterrorism unit head. 

It was claimed at the outset of the scandal that “senior 
White House officials in early 1985 bypassed the Cen- 
tral Intelligence Agency to avoid mandatory disclosure 
[to Congress] of such covert operations, according to 
informed sources.” 4 But existing law stipulates that 
covert operations “by all departments, agencies, and 
other entities involved in U.S. intelligence activities” 5 
must be reported to Congress. 

On January 12, 1987, Carlucci issued a memorandum 
stating that “the staff of the NSC shall not itself under- 
take special activities.” 6 |Emphasis added.] However, 
the memorandum leaves no doubt that the NSC, under 
Carlucci, will continue to have a central role in oversee- 
ing, if not “undertaking,” what they call "special 
activities” — what we call covert actions. The New York 
Times reported, inaccurately, that Carlucci promised the 
NSC “would no longer involve itself in covert opera- 
tions.” 7 [Emphasis added.] But the language of Car- 
lucci’s memorandum ensures the NSC will be involved. 
The NSC will provide “review of, guidance lor. and di- 
rection of the conduct of special activities." 8 This is how 
Carlucci keeps his options open. • 

1 . Buffalo News, November 13. 1986. p. I 

2. Washington Post. December 17, p. Alb: December 18. p. A9; 
December21. 1986, p. A22. 

3. James Bamford, “Carlucci and the N.S.C'.," New York linns 
Magazine, January 18, 1987. p. 92. 

4. Walter Pincus, “CIA Bypassed in Iran Arms Supply." 
Washington Post. November 8. 1986, p, Al . 

5. National Security Act, S5()l(a); 50 U.S. C. S4 1 3 . 

6. Washington Post. January 17. 1987. p. AI8. 

7. New York Times. January 18. 1987. p. I. 

8. Washington Post. January 17. 1987, p. AI8 

S —f 

have abundant Pentagon and CIA contracts), the South Alrican 
diamond conglomerate DeBeers, the American Broadcasting 
Company, and the American Stock Exchange. 1 " 

10. Who's Who in America. I9M-IWU. p. 83: Brownstein and Easton, op. 
cit., n. 7. p. 444. 

62 CovertAction 

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Frank Carlucci strikes an ominous pose. 

Carlucei left the government in late 1982 and joined Sears 
World Trade Inc. (SWT) the next year. In 1984 he became 
president and chief operating officer of SWT. a subsidiary of 
the world’s largest retail company. Sears- Roebuck. Until it 
was dissolved in 1986, SWT had 1,1 (X) employees in offices 
around the world. Fortune magazine reported that some inter- 
national traders were speculating that SWT served as a cover 
for American intelligence personnel abroad. 1 1 

At SWT. Carlucci created its consulting subsidiary, the 
International Planning and Analysis Center. Inc. (IPAC), and 
recruited many of the former military officers on its Washing- 
ton staff. According to its brochure, "IPAC's goal is to help 
its clients exploit the opportunities created by worldwide 
change."' 1 With subsidies from the Agency for International 
Development. IPAC's stated functions are selling advice and 
technical financial expertise to Third World governments and 
companies. 1 ' However, retired Air Force General James R. 
Allen is responsible for IPAC's less public defense pro- 
curement consulting activities. He and his staff exploit their 
contacts at the Pentagon and in defense industries in order to 
market IPAC's services. 14 


In October 1986. Sears-Roebuck dissolved SWT. The 
subsidiary had lost $60 million. SI 2 million in 1986 alone. It 
seems only fitting that the president of a bankrupt multina- 
tional would then go on to become National Security Adviser of 
a bankrupt administration. It is also extremely ironic that 

II. t-'nrtuiif. February 7. 1083, p. 91. While ai SWT. Carlucci admitted 
having at his "beck and call" the databases of the Commerce Department, the 
Pentagon, and the State Department, two years alter he had left government. 
f mlustry Week . March 19. 1984. p. 83. 

1 2 Current International Planning and Analysis Center. Inc. brochure, p. 

13. The Hudson Institute, a conservative thinktank that performs a sub- 
stantial amount ol classified research lor the Pentagon, collaborated closely 
with IPAC to establish what it calls a "planning framework which identifies the 
major trends and uncertainties that will allect C.S. and allied defense in- 
dustries... to assist linns and government agencies make near term planning 
decisions which lake advantage of future opportunities." Ibid., p. 3. 

14. Two other entities appearing to he part of the Sears empire have signifi- 
cant business with the Pentagon. In 1985. Sears Petroleum Transport of 
Rome. New York did $10.7 million worth of work for the Pentagon, while 
Sears JA Inc. ol Terre Haute. Indiana had $1 . 1 million Pentagon business. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Carlucci. who worked closely with (lie CIA while a diplomat 
and then rose to become Deputy Director of Central In- 
telligence. should remark that under his new tenure there 
would be no covert actions carried out by the NSC. 15 

The company that Carlucci keeps is dubious at best. When 
he was at the Pentagon. Carlucci worked with General Richard 
Second, now a central figure in the Iran-cow/vt scandal. At that 
time, Second was under grand jury investigation for garnishing 
illegal profits from arms sales to ligypt; despite the protests 
of the Pentagon general counsel. Carlucci gave Second back his 
job. 16 

Today. Carlucci is staffing the NSC with former associates 
from his Pentagon and Sears World Trade past. As his deputy, 
he named l.t. General Colin L. Powell, a highly decorated 
former U.S. Army Ranger who served in Vietnam, and was 
commander of the U.S. Amiy V Corps in Frankfurt. Germany. 
Powell worked as a senior military assistant to Carlucci at the 
Pentagon. Carlucci appointed as NSC director of Middle Fast 
affairs, former State Department ’director of antiterrorism, 
Robert B. Oakley, a former Princeton classmate. Carlucci \s 
new executive secretary, retired Army Colonel Grant Green, 
was his assistant both at the Pentagon and at Sears World 

Finally, he named Jose S. Sor/ano to oversee Latin 
American affairs and the continuing propaganda operations of 
Radio Marti. Sorzano is a zealous Cuban-Amcrican activist 
who was president of the Cuban-Amcrican Foundation, a pro 
fessor of government at Georgetown University, and Jeanc 
Kirkpatrick's deputy at the U.N. from 1983 to 1983. 17 

The day President Reagan named his new National Security 
Adviser, the fifth of his presidency. Carlucci told the media at 
a White House briefing. "I am organizing for the future." IN A 
sober analysis of his career and of his ideological commitment 
gives rise to deep concern about what he intends to organize 
and for what kind of future. • 

15. Washington Post. January 17. 19X7. p. A IX. 

16. Jonathan Kwitny. “New NSC Chiefs l ies to Mon Cited in Iran ( ’rises. 
Illegal Anns Deal May Cloud Housekeeping Task. " Wall Snret Journal. Jan 
uary 9, 1987. p. 44. While with Sears. Carlucei hired, at a $200,000 annual 
salary. Erich von Marbod. a former Pentagon director of international arms 
sales, who had resigned in the midst of the lulu in W ilson itnestigaiions. 

17. Washington Post. December 17. 19X6. p. Alb. 

18. NBC Evcnimi News. December 5. 19X6. 

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“Southern Air, We’re Southern Air...”: 

The Reagan White House’s Private Air Force 

By David Truong D. H.* 

A current country music song by artist Ray Stevens talks 
about a fictitious airline and opens with the following rhyme: 

Southern Air, we’re Southern Air 

Flyin’ high over Dixie 

Hospitality to spare... 

In its newsletter last summer. Southern Air Transport de- 
scribed this potential hit as good for business, with little 
thought to the company’s own potential for publicity in the 
coming months. 

Southern Air Transport is now the world’s largest com- 
mercial freight airline using Hercules L-100 planes. In July 
1986, it tripled its fleet to eighteen such aircraft, in addition to 
the Boeing 707s which it had been operating since early 1986. 
Last year, following years of losses. Southern Air ex- 
perienced an all-time record income — more than $5 million in 
one month alone. While revenues for 1986 were estimated at 
about $40 million, James H. Bastian, Southern Air’s board 
chairman and sole owner since 1980, said recently that reve- 
nues for 1987 should be well over $100 million. ' 

Southern Air is however more than just a burgeoning air 
freight company. Its ties to U.S. intelligence and covert activi- 
ties span three decades. In the 1960s, Southern Air, together 
with Air America, Air Asia, Civil Air Transport, and other 
concerns, made up the covert “air force” of the Central In- 
telligence Agency. During this period, James Bastian was 
general counsel for both Southern Air and Air America. SAT’s 
corporate roots during its CIA days were with an obscure 
company founded by George A. Doole, Jr.. Pacific Corpora- 
tion, based in Delaware. 

Doole, who died in March 1985, was to CIA proprietary 
airlines what Admiral Rickover was to the U.S. nuclear navy. 
A short time after Doole’s retirement from clandestine work in 
1971, the Agency decided, for various reasons, to sell its pro- 
prietaries. Stanley G. Williams, Southern Air’s chief officer, 
who helped Doole run the airline for a decade, bought it in De- 
cember 1973 at a bargain price, with the explicit agreement that 
it would be available for clandestine operations if needed by the 
Agency. 2 

Southern Air’s economic rebound with its L-100 fleet may 
be related to a 1973 agreement with the CIA. Southern Air did 
not actually buy the Hercules L-lOOs from Transamerica 
Airlines. The latter shut down its operations on September 30. 
1985. Its employees, wanting to make the airline their own, 

1. Smiihernews , Vol. 3, No. 2, Summer 1986. 

2. Washington Post. December 20. 1986. 

* David Truong D. H. is a researcher and policy analyst and a long-time 
watcher of U.S. intelligence activities in the Third World. 

64 CovertAction 

offered, with the help of financial backers, to purchase 
Transamerica for $110 million. At the lime. Southern Air's 
management made a lower offer of $82.5 million. Transameri- 
ca’s management— known to have personal ties to the Agen- 
cy — rejected their employees’ offer and sold the company’s 
assets to Southern Air. In early 1986 however, it was revealed 
that Southern Air did not actually purchase the L-IOOs: it sim- 
ply leased them from Transamerica while claiming publicly in 
its newsletter that it was buying them. 

This expansion came at the time of a parallel increase in 
U.S. covert activities in Central America. Had Southern Air 
decided to buy the L-IOOs it would have had to reveal, in its 
financial statements for the Federal Aviation Administration, 
that the funding originated from the CIA or a CIA proprietary. 

Southern Air’s CIA connection was first exposed in the 
early 1970s; it received further unwanted publicity in 1976 in 
the Report of the Senate Select Committee to Study Govern- 
mental Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activi- 
ties — the Church Committee. 

In July 1984, CBS News exposed Southern Air's renewed 
involvement with CIA support activities for the contras:' It told 
of several flights of small arms shipments to the contras, 
beginning in April 1 983 and originating at Palmcrola air base in 
Honduras. Nothing more of significance came out at that time. 
Then, in 1986, the downing of a C-123K over Nicaragua, on a 
covert flight to resupply weapons to the contras, produced a 
major rent in the veil of secrecy around Southern Air’s air 
freight activities. 

Since the downing of the plane, on October 5. developments 
in Washington and in Central America clearly indicate that 
Southern Air Transport was for all purposes the clandestine air 
force of the Reagan White House. Initially, the administration 
remained silent and tried to contain the incident and sub- 
sequent revelations. However, at the trial of the captured sur- 
viving crew member, Eugene Hasenfus. Nicaraguan officials 
produced records and documents from the plane's wreckage, 
exposing Southern Air's clandestine role. Hasenfus con- 
firmed the information. This prompted investigations by the 
FBI and by congressional subcommittees into possible 
violations of the Neutrality Act and Arms Control Act. 4 

The two deceased crew members. William J. Cooper (who 
originally hired Hasenfus) and Wallace B. Sawyer, had flown 
for Southern Air since 1981. They were also Air America 
veterans. In fact, they belonged to the Air America Associa- 
tion Club from which Southern Air hired most of its employ- 
ees. Two decades ago, the CIA used the now defunct Air A- 
merica as its air force in the war in Indochina. It was the largest 
paramilitary program in history and involved servicing and 

3. See CA1B. Number 22 (Fall 1984). pp. 28-29. 

4. Miami Herald. October 18, 1986. 

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supplying tens of thousands of Thai and Laotian mercenaries 
from Thailand. 5 

It comes as no surprise that all of the participants in the 
so-called "private" air support network to the contras (an 
operation one-tenth the size of the Agency's covert war in 
Laos), specialized in covert organizational and logistical 
skills developed at various levels during the war in Indochina. 
But while covert activities in Indochina were managed entirely 
by the Agency, with considerable input from other government 
organizations, the contra aid program seems to be managed 
directly out of the White House with the participation of high- 
level CIA officials. Other senior officials seem to have had 
little say in the contra war. 

The Contra Supply Network: Field Office 

On October 5, Felix Rodriguez, also known as Max Gomez, 
twice called Vice President George Bush's deputy national 
security adviser. Col. Sam Watson to inform him about the 
missing plane.'’ In his testimony. Hasenfus identified 
Rodriguez as one of the covert flight managers and chief liaison 
between the U S. supply operation and the Salvadoran air force 
command. In fact, the Cuban-born Bay of Pigs and Vietnam 
special operations veteran has a most notorious past. He was 
a CIA adviser to the Bolivian commandos who captured Che 
Guevara in 1965, and insiders have reported that it was he who 
shot the defenseless, wounded prisoner in the head. Rodriguez 
admits to carrying Che’s wristwatch and reportedly also 
carries a lock of his hair. 

According to documents obtained by the Washington Post. 
Rodriguez, along with two other CIA veterans, Luis Posada 
Carriles and Rafael Quintero, ran a motley Ileet of five aircraft 
at Ilopango air base in El Salvador. 7 The Bight crews, 25 men 
in all, were working for Southern Air. A Panama-based front 
company. Udall Research Corp.. provided the management 
cover for the operation. Aguacate airfield in Honduras was the 
other key airfield in the region fulfilling the same supply func- 

Luis Posada, who was also known as Ramon Medina, is 
as notorious as Rodriguez. He capped a 1 5-year career of ter- 
rorist actions against Cuba with his participation in the 1976 
bombing of a Cubana airliner off Barbados, which killed all 73 
people aboard. He was jailed in Venezuela along with the 
mastermind of the Cubana operation. Orlando Bosch, but es- 
caped several years ago. under mysterious circumstances. 

Quintero went often to Costa Rica, seeking precise 
coordinates for air drops from the contra headquarters. He 
then relayed the information to Rodriguez and Posada for ex- 
ecution of the drops over southern Nicaragua. CIA officers 
were reported to be managing the contras' operational head- 
quarters in Costa Rica. x While on "humanitarian” supply 

5. See C hristopher Robbins. Air America: Tlw Story of the CIA's Set tel 
Airlines (New York: Putnam's. I S>7S>) . and John Marks. "The CIA's Corpor- 
ate Shell Game." in Dirts Work: The CIA in Western F.u rope (Seeaueus. New 
Jersey: t.vle Stuart. 147X1. p. 127. 

6. New York Times. December 16. 14X6. 

7. Kor an excellent investigation of contra related operations in Central 
America, see Ron Curran and John Zack. The Contra Connection." Los An- 
geles Weekly. December 12. 14X6: and Jay Levin. "Nicaragua. The Invasion 
Plans." /.<>.« Angeles Weekly. December 12. 14X6. 

X. Veil York Times. January i I. 14X7. According to the January 17. 14X7 
Los Angeles Times, the CIA's Chief of Station in San Jose. Costa Rica, pre- 
viously disciplined for his role in the preparation of the notorious eontra man- 
ual advocating assassination, has been recalled because of his excessive in- 
volvement with contras in his host country. Robert Parry of the Associated 
Press reported further on January 22. 14X7 that the station chief, codcnamed 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Luis Posada Carriles, CIA veteran, surfaces again in 

Bights. Southern Air crews helped map coordinates for future 
weapons drops. 

Beginning in January 1986. CIA agents were running the 
contras' logistical system in Costa Rica. LI Salvador, and 
Honduras, following Ronald Reagan's intelligence finding of 
January 9. 1986. The CIA spent S>13 million toward that end." 

Southern Air claimed that an "unknown client" hired it to 
maintain the five aircraft at Ilopango. They frequently flew to 
Miami for "maintenance" and. on the return flights, crew 
members often picked up SI (),()()() at Southern Air's Miami 
office. This is the legal currency limit allowed across the l!.S. 
border without any customs declaration. These cash transfers 
paid for the Ilopango group's operating expenses at the discre- 
tion of Posada. 111 There are also numerous reports of drug- 
smuggling (lights by the Ilopango group." 

The Money Trail: Hakim, Secord, and North 

As is CIA practice, the funding and servicing of the five 
aircraft at Ilopango were made in a compartmentalized manner 
so the source of the funds could not be traced. Crew members 
received their paychecks by direct wire transfer to U.S. hank 
accounts from an unknown Pennsvlvania-hased company. 
Corporate Air Services. Inc., the channel for the funding 

The planes at Ilopango cost a little more than SI million. 
American Marketing and Consulting Co. -one of retired 
General Richard V. Secord 's many shell companies — bought 
the first DHC Caribou and then resold it to the contras in 1985. 
American Marketing sold the second Caribou directly to Udall 
Research in October 1985; they then exported it to Panama. 
SAT purchased the C-I23s. Southern Air's management 
claims, from an "unknown customer. " 

Except for the C-I23s. the funds used to pay the seller. 
Maule Air Inc., for the other aircraft came from a Bermuda 
subsidiary of a Swiss-based banking services concern. Com- 
pagnie dc Services Fiducieres (CSF). Following the decision 
by the Swiss Justice Ministry to cooperate w ith the U S Jus- 
tice Department's criminal investigation of the Iran-rowo 
connection, it was revealed that CSF's director. William I 
Zukcr, has been the Geneva lawyer for Albert Hakim and Ins 
firm. Stanford Technology Trading Group International. Ha- 
kim's partner is General Secord. 1 ' Xuker personally man- 
aged money transfers into two secret accounts at Credit 

Tomas Castillo, had been suspended by die CIA, allegcdlv lor King to an in 
house Agency investigation. 

4. Washington Post. January 14. 14X7. 

It). Washington Post, December 7, 14X6. 

1 1. See Washington Post and New York limes. Januarv 20. 14X7 

12. See Peter Maas. "Oliver North's Strange Recruits." Yen )ork lime i 
Magazine. January IX. 14X7. p. 20. 

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Suisse, one controlled by Secord, Hakim, and Oliver North 
together, and the other by North alone under the name of Lake 
Resources. Lake Resources was another Panama-based shell 

Oliver North also used a third account which the CIA set up. 
In it were some of the profits from the Iran arms sales 
earmarked for use by the contras. This account was used to 
finance the rebels in Afghanistan to the tune of $500 million per 

It is extremely likely that funds for the aircraft and their 
flight crews came from these accounts, as further investiga- 
tion by the new independent prosecutor will show. Such funds 
could have been generated by loans or contributions from 
cash-rich countries like Saudi Arabia in return for U.S. com- 
pensatory moves favorable to their security interests or by 
profits from the sale of arms to Iran. The latter would only be 
available from August 1985 when the Reagan administration 
agreed to shipments of U.S. weapons to Iran. Recently, one 
contra leader, Alfonso Robelo, admitted that the United 
Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO) had received about 25 percent 
of the funds from profits of arms sales to Iran. 11 The answers 
to key questions about the supply network and its funding (not 
to mention the apparently missing millions) will have to come 
from Richard Secord and Oliver North. 

Come Fly Southern Air: The Operational Managers 

On October 5th, Felix Rodriguez also sent a coded message 
about the missing C-123 to retired Col. Robert C. Dutton in 
Vienna, Virginia. Dutton is Secord’s assistant at Stanford 
Technology Trading Corp. 14 Telephone records indicated 
that Southern Aircrew members made many calls to retired Lt. 
Col. Richard Gadd, whose company office is in the same 
building as Stanford Technology Trading Corp. 15 

According to available records, the State Department con- 
tracted Gadd's firm, American National Management Corp., 
to deliver non-military supplies to the contras inside Nicaragua 
and to contra camps in Honduras. Contra leaders Adolfo and 
Mario Calero personally chose this company. The individuals 
at the State Department responsible for overseeing the contra 
aid program and acting as liaison with Gadd were Robert Owen 
and Elliott Abrams. Abrams is now head of the interagency 
Task Force in charge of disbursing the $60 million appropri- 
ated by Congress for the contras. 

Gadd then subcontracted Southern Air Transport to set up 

13. Associated Press, December 16, 1986, Irom San Jose. Costa Rica. 
• 14. Washington Post. December 7, 19X6. 

15. Nen-sday. December 7. 1986. 

66 CovertAction 

the delivery network. In early 1986. Dutton began to share 
operational control of the activities of Southern Air's High! 
crews at llopango. 16 

After the State Department contracted Gadd's firm, he 
reportedly told the flight crew to mix weapons and ammunition 
with non-military supplies on their supply nights. 17 This 
was a direct violation of the congressional ban on military aid 
to the contras. Southern Air and State Department officials 
continue to maintain that the weapons supply operation was 

Secord, Dutton, and Gadd were all graduates of the Office 
of Special Operations of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Secord had 
the longest experience in clandestine operations, dating back 
to the late 1960s. He was then stationed in Udorn. Thailand, 
working with the CIA in the clandestine war in neighboring 
Laos. It is no wonder that Secord, by every account, became 
the operational commander of the weapons supply network, 
using Southern Air as the hub for operations in the U.S. 
Secord has ties to key CIA senior officials he met during the 
war in Laos. Tom Clines and Theodore Shackley. a former 
deputy director of operations, both helped him put together the 
contra supply network. IS 

Southern Air’s Policy Executives 

After Col. Watson spoke with Felix Rodriguez the day the 
plane was shot down, he promptly alerted the White House 
Situation Room and the NSC staff. By extension, this meant 
informing Oliver North as well as the chief CIA officer detailed 
to the NSC, Duane Clarridge. Both played key roles in Central 
America and Middle East operations. 14 

Watson’s contacts with Rodriguez were documented in a 
chronology of events which Vice President George Bush's 
office released more than two months alter the C-123 down- 
ing. 20 By then, the entire administration perceived itself 
besieged by the media and the revelations around the Iran- 
contra connection. 

The statement from Bush's office showed the depth of 
White House involvement in the covert supply network. Until 
December 15th, the White House insisted it had no part in the 
operation. In a message dated October 6, Col. Dutton warned 
Rodriguez not to call "high ranking officials" directly any long- 
er. 21 On January 3. 1987, Rodriguez issued a statement 
downplaying his crucial role in the llopango operation. He also 
agreed fully with the chronology of events released by Bush's 

While the role of Vice President Bush and his staff in the 
contra supply operation has yet to surface fully, the more vis- 
ible aspect of White House clandestine operations has been 
Oliver North's daring travels and meetings with the help of 
Secord. North also received a call from William Casey shortly 
after the C-123 downing. North had long been a key participant 
in a little known interagency covert action planning group, 
dubbed the “208 Committee." Located in room 208 of the Ex- 
ecutive Office Building adjacent to the White House, the com- 

16. Washington Post, December 7, 19X6. 

17. Newsdav. December 7. 1986. 

18. New York Timex . December 6. 1986; and see Maas. <•//.. n. 12. 

19. Clarridge's links to Col. North and direct aid to the contras in violation 
of congressional prohibitions was the subject of a New York limes article, Jan 
uary 21. 1987, Also. NBC News quoted U.S. government sources saying 
Clarridge planned the 1983 mining of Nicaragua's harbors and wrote the CIA's 
controversial training manual for the contras the same year. 

20. Statement from Vice President Bush's office. December 15, 1986. 

21. Washington Post, December 7, 1986. 

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Hercules L-100, the workhorse of the Southern Air Transport covert operations. 

mittee's planning was done by the NSC staff and their resident 
CIA colleagues. There has been no confirmation of the activi- 
ties of the 208 Committee in the management of the c ontra war 
and of the Iran arms sales. 

The activities of former National Security Adviser Vice 
Admiral John M. Poindexter in the Iran-contra connection 
remain unclear; in the final analysis, events may show that 
Poindexter did make all the key decisions with regard to the 
contra connection, most likely with the President's broad, 
philosophical blessing. 

At every'level, major efforts were made to fine tune the legal 
implications of joint NSC-CIA covert activities so that no one 
would end up required to report to Congress. 

The Weapons Flights to Iran 

Southern Air played an even more essential covert role in the 
Iran arms sale, than it did in Central America. The airline was 
a tool to further the White House plans to reestablish a 
foothold in this strategically located country on the Persian 

Though Southern Air is no longer a proprietary of the CIA. 
its owner, James Bastian. and its management have long ties 
to the Agency. Today, the airline remains at the beck and call of 
the CIA, and most likely the Pentagon's Office of Special 
Operations, for clandestine air freight activities. The Military 
Air Command at Scott Air Force Base in Illinois also in- 
fluenced Southern Air’s activities. MAC contracts, according 
to data from the Federal Procurement Data Center, made up an 
increasing share of Southern Air's yearly business since 
1984: $9.1 million in 1984 (32 percent), $23.4 million in 1985 
(60 percent), and $18.2 million or 57 percent for the first 9 
months in 1986 (4th quarter data are not yet available). For 
1987, MAC'S contracts are estimated at 65 percent of 
Southern Air’s total business. 

In late November 1985, Duane Clarridge, Casey's White 
House watchdog, contacted Southern Air regarding an arms 
shipment to Iran, at the request of Oliver North. He needed to 
fly a cargo of U.S.-made weapons, stocked in Israel, from 
Lisbon to Tehran, because the Israelis encountered objections 
from the Portuguese government for their own transshipment 
of arms to Iran, and needed U S. help. Southern Air provided 
one of its B-707s based in Ankara. Turkey. 

As in the contra supply operation. North asked Secord to 
supervise the sensitive arms transshipment in Lisbon. The 
CIA station in Lisbon apparently pressured the Portuguese. 22 
The Agency’s then Deputy Director, John McMahon, pro- 
tested North’s request— done without clear presidential au- 

22. Washington Post. January 11. 1987. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

thority — but nevertheless approved Southern Air's flight from 
Lisbon to Tehran. The shipment included parts for 18 early 
model Hawk missiles but Iran eventually rejected them as 
useless and obsolete. Southern Air's management did not 
register its B-707 flight with the F.A.A. 

Southern Air's subsequent flights for the White House 
were all direct from the United States and part of U S. over- 
tures to Iran. SAT made four sets of (lights in 1986. all under 
the supervision of Secord: early February, late May, July- 
August, and mid-October. They left from Kelly Air Force 
Base, which SAT also uses for shipments of materiel to 
liopango, El Salvador and Palmerola. Honduras for the 

The February and October shipments involved two B 707 
flights, the July-August shipment three; all flights carried 
mostly older TOW missiles. The May shipment, known as 
the McFarlane mission, was to involve three nights; due to the 
failure of the MeFarlane group to persuade Iran to help free the 
remaining American hostages in Lebanon, two loaded B-7()7s 
remained in Israel. 2 - 1 The Southern Air flight which carried the 
McFarlane group also carried items that Iran had long wanted: 
critical spare parts for Iranian I (improved) Hawk missile 
batteries (and a Bible and cake from the White House). The 
parts were to strengthen significantly Iran's air defenses of oil 
installations against attacking Iraqi aircraft. 

According to some intelligence officials, the May (light 
might have carried crucial spare parts for U.S.-made Phoenix 
air-to-air missiles as a symbolic gesture. This past fall, for 
the first time in years, an Iraqi Mirage fighter was downed by 
an Iranian Phoenix missile, according to Xinhua News Agency 
and Radio Tehran (October 15-16). 

The U.S. supplied Iran with a total of 2.008 TOW missiles 
and several hundred critical I-Hawk missile parts. This in- 
cludes one or two Israeli shipments in September 1985 from 
their own stocks, using one of their three cargo airlines. 

For the Iran flights, Southern Air was closely tied to the still 
secret logistics system the Pentagon and CIA used when deal- 
ing with arms transfers for covert operations. Kelly AFB has 
been the very secure home of the Electronic Security Command 
and provides “technical services" support for multiservice 
operations, i.e., covert operations. 

Air America of the 1980s 

In many ways. Southern Air resembles modern private 
corporations which depend heavily on defense-related con- 
tracts for their livelihood, like many high-tech companies and 
thinktanks in the Washington metropolitan area, which do 

23. New York Times. December 15. 1986. 

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classified or covert work for the Pentagon, the CIA, and sim- 
ilar agencies. Covert activities remain a trademark of Southern 
Air. In the 1980s, the CIA or the Pentagon’s Office of Special 
Operations would simply contract Southern Air to carry out the 
covert delivery of weapons to UNITA rebels in Angola. For 
example. Southern Air L-lOOs flew in August 1983 from 
Dallas to Lagos, Nigeria, long a major transshipment point for 
Agency deliveries to UNITA. In May and June of 1983, 
according to FAA records. Southern Air made two very un- 
usual flights to Luanda. Angola, from Dobbins AFB in 
Marietta, Georgia. These flights currently are under con- 
gressional scrutiny. 

Southern Air has also relied heavily on Military Airlift 
Command contracts. From April to December 1985, it Hew an 
enormous amount of military cargo throughout the Caribbean 
and Central America from two bases: Charleston, South Caro- 
lina and Norfolk, Virginia. Lagos, Portugal, and Howard 
AFB, Panama, were two major transshipment points. Begin- 
ning in January 1985, Southern Air made several flights from 
Miami to San Salvador, Tegucigalpa, and Guatemala City for 
contra resupply operations.- 4 

Miami, however, was not the only point of departure. Other 
airports in the U.S. from which shipments of materiel go to the 
contras include: Daytona Beach, New Smyrna, Hollywood. 
Fort Lauderdale, and the civilian airport at Elgin, all in Florida; 
Moiseant Field near New Orleans and Baton Rouge, both in 

24. The only major non-U. S. government contract in the past three years 
has been with an Irish cargo company, Guernsey IAS, a subcontractor to Di 
amang, Angola's state diamond company. 

(continued from page 72) 

Naturally, the New York Times placed the initiative with the 
National Security Council: "President Reagan contended that 
the program had its inception in mid- 1 985 when McFarlane 
sent an American consultant, Michael Lcdeen to Israel. 

The Israeli press depicted Ledeen as an American agent 
who got Israel involved as a broker in a deal between the U.S. 
and Iran. Israeli Defense Minister and former Director General 
of Foreign Affairs David Kirnche told the Los Angeles Times 
that the purpose of his July 1985 visit to Washington was to 
confirm Ledeen s bona fides. However, there were a number 
of glaring problems with the Israeli cover story. Kirnche had 
already met with McFarlane in January 1985 to urge arms sales 
to Iran. 4 He had been pushing for this policy since 1981 . 

3, New York Times. December 1 1 , 1987. The significance ol the Israeli role 
was finally broached in the Times on February 1 , 1987, p I . 

4 According to the Los Angeles Times (December 28. 1986). in January 
1985, "Kirnche approaches McFarlane with a list of hundreds of Iranian 'mod- 
erates' and encourages the U.S. to open a dialogue with the Iranians." And 
according lolhc Miami HeriiLUDeccmberT , 1986), Kirnche. "the prime mover 
of Israel's policy of secretly selling arms to Iran, tried as early as 1981 to gel 
the U.S. to trade arms with Iranian moderates." Ledeen has been deeply 
embroiled in Iranian politics for some time, and not. it would seem, on the side 
of the “moderates." According to Diana Johnstone's recent (January 21. 1987) 
In These Times interview with Abol Hassan Bani Sadr, former President of 
Iran. Ledeen, who accompanied McFarlane and North on his May 1986 trip, is 
known in Iran as "the man who sold out Sadiq Ghotbzadch to Khomeini." In 
1982, Ghotbzadeh, then Foreign Minister, was apparently involved in a plot to 
replace Khomeini, and sent word only tor the U.S. not to intervene. But 
Ledeen advised the U.S. government that Khomeini was anti-Soviet, which 
was good enough for the U.S.; it therefore opposed any move against him. 
Two months later. Ghotb/.adeh was arrested and executed. 

68 CovertAction 

Louisiana; San Francisco, Sepulveda, and Long Beach in 
California; and Houston-Hobby and Dallas-Fort Worth in 
Texas. Military airports include: Kelly AFB, Charleston 
AFB, Scott AFB, and Howard AFB. The international trans- 
shipment points for weapons are Lisbon and Lagos in Portu- 

In early 1986 there were several Southern Air Bights from 
Lisbon, Portugal, to Ilopango, El Salvador. Intelligence 
sources confirmed that there was an inBux of aid to the contras 
via Ilopango at this time. 25 


Southern Air Transport, though ostensibly no longer a CIA 
proprietary, has evolved into a modern version of Air America. 
While doing regular contract work for the Pentagon's MAC and 
for civilian charters. Southern Air can immediately transform 
itself into a covert air force for the CIA and other agencies. 
This is corporate flexibility that the CIA airline proprietaries of 
the 1960s did not have. As a result it makes Southern Air a 
more destructive instrument in furthering U.S. covert policy 
objectives in many regions. 

One example has been Southern Air's multi-regional role in 
Central America and in the Iranian arms scandal, managed by 
Richard Secord and the Reagan White House. A covert in- 
strument, however, is only as potent as those who wield it 
With the continuing revelations of the Iran -contra connection, 
perhaps Southern Air Transport will become just another 
bankrupt cargo airline. • 

25. New York Times. December I. 1986. 

And Ledeen was hardly a stranger to Israeli officials. In 
fact, the ludicrous part of the Israeli cover story is the allega- 
tion that Kirnche, who lived in New York for five years in the 
1960s as chief of Mossad's western hemisphere operations 
division, had to travel to Washington to establish Ledeen's 
bona Fides. David Kirnche and Amiram Nir spent their pro- 
fessional lives in the Mossad, an agency not unknown to 

Ledeen and Israel 

Michael Ledeen was a founder of the Jewish Institute for 
National Security Affairs and was a major participant in the 
1979 and 1984 Jonathan Institute Conferences on Terrorism. 5 
Both institutes have substantial ties to Mossad. Indeed. 
Ledeen is the missing link of covert operations by Mossad in 
the U.S. during the Reagan administration. 

The most visible trail left by Mossad is the disinformation 
activities of Ledeen and friends. Michael Ledeen. Robert 
Moss, and Claire Sterling were all speakers at the 1979 
Jerusalem conference of the Jonathan Institute, a meeting 
which many Israeli intelligence agents attended. The speakers 
bemoaned the fall of Somoza and the Shah: Moss blamed the 
KGB; 6 Ledeen pointed out that even the KGB would not have 
succeeded if it were not for their mole (unnamed) in the Carter 
administration. Ledeen and his co-disinformationists always 
raise the specter of a KGB role in Iran and Nicaragua, primarily 
to justify more U.S. covert action. Indeed, one of the themes at 
the Jerusalem Conference was that Carter had destroyed the 

5. See CAIB. Number 22 (Full 19X4). p 5; and Number 23 (Sprint: 19X5) 
pp. 16-17, 26, 31-33. 

6. Wall Street Journal. July 26. 1979. 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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Israel’s Worries 

Governments like South Korea. Taiwan. Turkey, and es- 
pecially Israel, simply cannot survive without continued U.S. 
military and economic assistance. The "loss" of Iran and 
Nicaragua under the Carter administration led them to a certain 
coneCTn about the reliability of the United States. Israel de- 
cided it would have to play a more aggressive role in U.S. 
domestic politics in order to guarantee an unwavering partner. 
The propaganda themes spread during the Jerusalem con- 
ference were aimed at the 1980 U.S. elections, to discredit 
Carter, support conservatives, and present Israel as the 
U.S.'s most reliable ally in the face of terrorist and Soviet 
threats. The vehicle was disinformation. 

The Golden Age of Disinformation 

At no other time in American history, not even during World 
War II. have so many millions of Americans been led to 
believe such hysterical hoaxes. The Reagan era will go down 
in history as the golden age of disinformation. And if you 
follow the paper trail of verifiable disinformation spread the 
last six years within the U.S.. the Israelis are first, the CIA a 
poor second, and the KGB dead last as a source of dis- 
information spread in the U.S. 

Disinformation became one of the buzzwords of the Reagan 
administration. It covered every piece of news they didn't like, 
including statements by Democrats. Meanwhile the CIA 
spread disinformation about Libya. Iran. Grenada, and Nica- 
ragua. Hours before the Grenada invasion. Admiral Poindexter 
told reporters an invasion was out of the question Later he 
wrote his famous memo outlining a policy of disinformation 
aimed at Libya. President Reagan accused Sandinista leaders 
of being dope dealers. As part of McFarlane's cover story for 
U.S. involvement in Iran, he repeated disinformation about a 
massive build-up of Soviet strength on the Iranian border. 

Disinformation is intrinsically of interest to journalists 
because someone is polluting the information stream. What is 
not generally realized is that disinformation is always coordi- 
nated with other covert operations. Often a specific dis- 
information theme is deception and cover for other activities by 
the originator. Michael Ledeen has been involved in the dis- 
semination of a number of disinformation stories which pro- 
vide sufficient data to test this proposition. 

Before popping up in the middle of the Iran -contra scandal. 
Ledeen had built up a reputation concocting or spreading major 
disinformation themes, among them: 

• The notion that the CIA was destroyed under Carter: 

• That there was a KGB Mole in the Carter administration: 

• That the loss of Iran and Nicaragua was the work of the 

• That the Soviet Union is behind an International Terror 

• That it tried to kill the Pope: 

• That the Libyans tried to kill President Reagan; 

• That the Iranians tried to kill President Reagan: and 

• That Fidel Castro and Tomas Borge are major narcotics 

These take stories, spread with the conspicuous help of 
Israel, had the surface appearance of being solely rightwing 
American propaganda. In fact. Israel was actively covering its 
penetration ot the U.S. foreign policy establishment. Indeed, 
the first four hoaxes were the Mossad Party Platform for the 
1980 U.S. elections. To sell its expertise in the area of com- 
batting terrorism, and to get the attention of credulous 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

Michael Ledeen, Mossad contact in arms-for-hostages 

American conservatives. Israel fostered a Soviet angle. Il 
tried to curry favor with the CIA. and to discredit further the 
existing liberal U S. foreign policy establishment by launch- 
ing a witchhunt against non-existent moles. 

Mossad cannot stand detente, between Iraq and Iran or 
between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. It is to the advantage of 
Israeli intelligence to promote the notion that the Soviet Union 
tried to kill the Pope and that it is behind all acts of international 

While everyone else was amused by the preposterous story 
of a Libyan "hit squad" out to kill the President, a story which 
originated with Israeli intelligence. Reagan had concrete 
bunkers built to surround the White House, and heavily armed 
Marines in fatigues on the roof. If you tire ail intelligence agent 
and you want to get the attention of some world leader, tell him 
you have uncovered a terrorist plot to kill him. The CIA had 
been employing this trick in the Third World for years; why 
should we be surprised that Mossad pulled it on Reagan .’ 

Arms Deals 

The Israeli media are locusing on Ledeen. describing him 
as an American agent, not because lie really helped organize 
the plan, but to divert attention from David Kimchc and 
Amiram Nir. On one level, the Irun-conira scandal is merelv a 
giant footnote in the story ol Israeli intelligence operations in 
support of arms sales.” 

7. See l.ns Ango/ov December 14. lust, ami <t//f. Number Id 

(March 0X21. p. 25. 

X. Israel lias the largest stockpile of t .S, weapons outside of tile l N . and 
as a result of the invasion of l.chanon. amt other actions, a huge stockpile ol 
Soviet weapons Israel itsell is a major arms ittaiuilaeturer and exporter, es 
pccially to countries such as Iran. South Africa, amt Chile Since 
Israel s military security is dependent on Inning the very latest weapons, 
there is a constant need to sell obsolete t S .nut Soviet weapons Israel must 
devote sums for research and development closet to the tuidecl ol a 
superpower, out of all proportion (o a country ol 4 5 million One was ol pay 
ing is by selling 70 percent ot Israeli niumilucturcd weapons abroad 

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According to the New York Times, "hundreds of retired 
Israeli army officers, ex-agents of Israel's secret service, the 
Mossad. and private arms merchants are circling the globe 
trying to put together arms deals. The Washington Post, put 
the number of such Mossad agents and arms dealers at 
“between 700-800.""’ 

The Iranian arms deal that Oliver North and Michael Ledeen 
were involved in is similar in nature to two previous cases 
where criminal charges were brought: those of Israeli General 
Abram Baram in New York and Paul Cutter in Orlando, 
Florida. In fact these two cases shed new light on the clear 
pattern of Israeli involvement behind all these so-called "Iran 
arms cases." 

The Israeli role in the New York case is straightforward, 
even though the sums are staggering: S2.5 billion worth of 
weapons to Iran, including an entire brigade of tanks. The cast 
of characters is familiar: Adnan Khashoggi, his attorney, 
Ghorbanifar, McFarlane, etc. The other case is less well 

When Michael Ledeen founded the Jewish Institute for 
National Security Affairs, Paul Cutter became a Director. He 
had been the editor of Military Science and Technology. After 
the invasion of Lebanon, when Ariel Sharon was getting some 
bad press In the U.S., Cutter’s magazine was full of articles 
by Sharon and friends, along with puff pieces extolling 

Cutter became Director of a new company, European De- 
fense Associates, with offices in Paris, 12 London, Wash- 
ington, and Tel-Aviv. It sold arms captured by Israel in 
Lebanon to U.S. allies, and later, U.S. weapons stockpiled in 
Europe to Iran. He set up a new magazine. Defense Systems 
Review, where he shared the masthead with Brig. Gen. Meier 
Ben Neftali and Shoshana Bryen. Shoshana Bryen was 
identified as "executive director of the Jewish Institute for 
National Security Affairs." while Gen. Naftali was "assigned 
to the U.S. as head of the Israeli Procurement Mission." 

Cutter was caught in an FBI sting in Orlando, for con- 
spiracy to sell arms to Iran and of the six defendants was the 
only one sent to jail. 11 Cutter might be forgiven a certain 
amount of bitterness, sitting in his jail cell in Arizona w'atch- 
ing Ledeen on ABC's "Nightline'’ and Israeli arms dealers liv- 
ing in palatial estates. 

Israeli Penetration 

Even granted constant Israeli pressure, the question 
remains why the Reagan administration collaborated in a deal 
in which it stood to gain very little. The answer lies in a com- 
bination of Israel propaganda and covert Israeli penetration of 
the U.S. foreign policy establishment. 

Preceding the 1980 elections, Israel had already built up a 
significant influence in the Committee for the Free World, the 

9. New York Times. December 7. 1986. 

10. Washington Post, December 12, 1986. 

1 1 Military Science anil Technology. January. February, and March 1983. 
Cutter toured Lebanon at Sharon's invitation. 

12. The manager ol the Paris office of European Defense Assix'iatcs was 
Col. Ralph Mark Broman. Broman was also the Paris chief of the Pentagon's 
Office of Defense Cooperation, which controls the movement of U.S. 
weapons among U.S. allies. 

13. Cutter claims that his operations involved arms sales of SI. 2 billion, 
with commissions of $400 million. That money, he says, was siphoned off 
by the Pentagon to contras fighting the governments of Afghanistan, Angola. 
Ethiopia, and/or Nicaragua 

70 CovertAction 

Committee on the Present Danger, the National Strategy Infor- 
mation Center, and the Center for Strategic and International 
Studies. These organizations went on to staff the Reagan 
transition teams for the CIA. NSC. Pentagon, and State; and 
members later took over top positions in these foreign-poli- 
cy-making bodies. 

Michael Ledeen was brought to the CSIS IJ by David 
Abshire and Walter Laquer. Laquer is part of the Israel lobby 
at CSIS, together with Yonah Alexander and Edward Luttwak. 
Ledeen was transmogrified from a petty propagandist into a 
national security expert through his post at CSIS. When 
Reagan took office, Ledeen was one of over 30 CSIS staffers 
to join the new administration. 

People outside Washington do not realize the extent to 
which U.S foreign policy is initiated by the staffs of con- 
gressional committees and the staffs of the Directors of the 
CIA or NSC. This is the case even in normal times. Under 
Reagan, foreign policy sank all the way to the basement. 

Why Did They Do It? 

It is not part of any White House cover-up to portray Reagan 
as detached and uninformed, or even senile. The locus of Iran 
policy really was the White House basement. And if Reagan 
did not know everything the NSC was up to in his basement, 
the public knew nothing at all. It was fed a diet of secrecy, de- 
ception, and disinformation. 

There is a connection between disinformation and covert 
action, between deception and political intrigue. While Kim- 
che, Nir, Ledeen. and North were acting behind closed doors, 
what the public got was disinformation. 

Who Is the Mole? 

Ledeen is the kind of person who thinks that the shortest 
distance between two points is a tunnel. As befits an in- 
dividual obsessed with moles, Ledeen has spent a great deal 
of time in Washington and Tel-Aviv tunnels. The Iran-contra 
story is fairly complex, but journalists arc missing the real 
story: Michael Ledeen is the mole. • 

14, On Ledecn's role as editor at the Center lor Strategic and International 
Studies (CSIS). see CAIB. Number 10 (August 1980); "The CSIS is an in- 
telligence-connected (hink-tank and conservative shadow cabinet." 

Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

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Back Issues: No. 1 (July 1978): Agee on CIA; Cuban exile trial; consumer 
research in Jamaica. (Photocopy only.) 

No. 2 (Oct. 1978): How CIA recruits diplomats; researching undercover offi- 
cers; double agent in CIA. 

No. 3 (Jan. 1979): CIA attacks Bulletin; Secret Supp. B to Army Field Man- 
ual; spying on host countries. 

No. 4 (Apr. -May 1979): U S. spies in Italian services; CIA in Spain; CIA re- 
cruiting for Africa; subversive academics; Angola. 

No. 5 (July-Aug. 1979): U S. intelligence in Southeast Asia; CIA in Den- 
mark, Sweden, Grenada. (Photocopy only.) 

No. 6 (Oct. 1979): U S. in Caribbean; Cuban exile terrorists; CIA plans for 
Nicaragua; CIA's secret "Perspectives for Intelligence.” (Photocopy only.) 
No. 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980): Media destabilization in Jamaica; Robert Moss; 
CIA budget; media operations; UNITA; Iran. 

No. 8 (Mar. -Apr. 1980): Attacks on Agee; U.S. intelligence legislation; 
CAIB statement to Congress; Zimbabwe; Northern Ireland. 

No. 9 (June 1980): NSA in Norway; Glomar Explorer; mind control; notes on 

No. 10 (Aug. -Sept. 1980): Caribbean; destabilization in Jamaica; Guy- 
ana; Grenada bombing; "The Spike”; deep cover manual. 

No. II (Dec,. 1980): Rightwing terrorism: South Korea: KCIA: Portugal; 
Guyana; Caribbean; AFIO; NSA interview. 

No. 12 (Apr. 1981 ): U.S. in El Salvador and Guatemala: new right: William 
Casey: CIA’s Mozambique spy ring: mail surveillance. (Photocopy only.) 

No. 13(JuIy-Aug. 1981): South Africa documents; Namibia "solution”; mer- 
cenaries and gunrunning; the Klan; Globe Aero; Angola; Mozambique; BOSS; 
Central America; Max Huge); mail surveillance. 

No. 14-15 (Oct. 1981): Complete index to nos. 1-12; review of intelligence 
legislation; CAIB plans; extended Naming Names. 

No. 16 (Mar. 1982): Green Beret torture in El Salvador; Argentine death 
squads; CIA media operations; Seychelles; Angola; Mozambique; Klan in 
Caribbean; Nugan Hand. (Photocopy only.) 

No. 17 (Summer 1982): History of CBW; current CBW plans; Cuban dengue 
epidemic; Scott Barnes and yellow rain fabrications; mystery death in 

No. 18 (Winter 1983): CIA and religion; "secret" war in Nicaragua; Opus 
Dei; the Miskitu case; evangelicals in Guatemala; Summer Institute of Linguis- 
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Number 27 (Spring 1987) 

No. 19 (Spring-Summer 1983): CIA and the media; history of disinforma- 
tion; "plot" against the Pope: Grenada airport; Georgic Anne Geyer 
No. 20 (Winter 1984): Invasion of Grenada; war in Nicaragua; Ft. Huachuca; 
Israel and South Korea in Central America; KAU flight 007. 

No. 21 (Spring 1984): New York Times on El Salvador election; manipulation 
in Time and Newsweek: Accuracy in Media: Nicaragua update. 

No. 22 (Fall 1984): Mercenaries and terrorism; Soldier of Fortune: "privatiz- 
ing” the war; Nicaragua update; U.S. -South Africa ferrorism; Italian fascists. 
No. 23 (Spring 1985): Special issue on “plot” to kill the Pope and the "Bul- 
garian Connection”; CIA ties to Turkish and Italian neofascisls. 

No. 24 (Summer 1985): State repression and use of infiltrators and pro- 
vocateurs; infiltration of sanctuary movement; attacks against American Indian 
Movement; Leonard Peltier; NASSCO strike; Amaud de Borchgrave and Rev 
Moon; Robert Moss; Tetra Tech. 

No. 25 (Winter 1986): U.S., Nazis, and the Vatican; Nazis in the U.S. and 
Latin America; the Sovereign Military Order of Malta; the Greek civil war and 
Nicholas Gage’s Eleni: WACL and Nicaragua; torture. 

No. 26 (Summer 1986): U.S. state terrorism and Vcmon Walters; semantics of 
terrorism; Libyan bombing; contra agents; Israel and South Africa, spies, and 
terrorism; the real Duarte; media manipulation in Costa Rica: democracy in 
Nicaragua; plus complete index to nos. 13-25. 

No. 27 (Spring 1987): Special issue on the Religious Right; also the New 
York Timex and the Bulgarian Connection; Frank Carlucci: Southern Air 
Transport; and Michael Lcdccn, 

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Covert Action 71 

Approved For Release 2010/06/03 : C1A-RDP90-00845R0001 001 70002-7 

Approved For Release 2010/06/03 : CIA-RDP90-00845R0001 001 70002-7 


By Fred Landis* 

If Contragate is the new Watergate, then Lt. Col. Oliver 
• North is G. Gordon Liddy and Michael Ledeen is E. Howard 
Hunt. One thing that unites these two characters is an almost 
infantile fascination with psychological propaganda opera- 
tions — "psyops.” 

The North-Ledeen Team 

North and Ledeen have worked together in a number of 
operations in recent years, very different, but all, one way or 
another involving psyops or disinformation. 

In 1983, North was involved in the Grenada invasion. 1 The 
media were excluded and U.S. Army Psyops took over the 
local press and radio. The mainstream U.S. media got a bizarre 
White Paper authored by Michael Ledeen, purportedly based 
upon the three tons of documentation the U.S. invaders seized. 

That same year Ledeen and North participated in a National 
Security Council planning group that led to the creation of the 
State Department’s Office of Public Diplomacy. North fed the 
Office CIA and DIA material on Nicaragua, grist for its propa- 
ganda mill, while Ledeen and others churned it out. 

In 1984, North masterminded an attempted drug trade sting 
against Nicaragua. North’s colleague, "retired'’ Gen. Richard 
V. Sccord, purchased a C-I23K cargo plane from Southern Air 
Transport. It was outfitted with hidden cameras and turned 
over to DEA agent Barry Adler Seal. Seal then force landed at a 
military airfield in Nicaragua, where he got photos of a 
Nicaraguan official, Federico Vaughn, investigating. That 
photo then became the basis of much disinformation on a 
supposed Borge-Castro narcotics trafficking ring,’ President 
Reagan used the photo on television, stating, with utterly no 

1 , North worked with the Delta Force, which was involved, disastrously, 
in the early hours of the invasion of Grenada. 

2. See, eg.. the Washington Times of August 9. 1984. 

* Fred Landis is a specialist in propaganda analysis who has contributed 
frequently to CAIB. His new book. The CIA Propaganda Machine . will be 
published by Ramparts Press this year He also lectures on this theme. 


P.O. Box 50272 
Washington, DC 20004 

evidence or justification, that a box in the picture was filled 
with drugs. Like a bad penny, the same plane returned to 
Nicaragua in October 1986. carrying Eugene Hasenfus. 

After the 1984 congressional elections. North helped plan a 
series of sonic booms over Nicaragua, in an attempt to rattle 
the Sandinistas. Ledeen then orchestrated a rumor campaign 
among the Washington press corps that the invasion of 
Grenada had just been a preamble to the invasion of Nicaragua. 

In the 1986 congressional elections. North assisted in the 
political campaigns of Senators Paula Hawkins (Rep. -Fla.) 
and Jeremiah Denton (Rep. -Ala.). They lost. But interesting- 
ly, Denton's Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism and 
Hawkins’s Subcommittee on Children, Family, Drugs, and 
Alcohol were both favorite platforms for Ledeen to spread his 
media hoaxes. 

Ledeen and Contragate 

Ledeen’s role in Iran-a-scam and Contragate begins with 
his secret missions to Israel. But it is unclear who was urging 
whom to do what. According to leaked portions of a Senate In- 
telligence Committee report, the sale of arms to Iran was 
planned and implemented by the Israeli intelligence service. 
Mossad. Each time that the U.S. rejected further participation 
in the Israeli plan, some Mossad agent was urgently dis- 
patched to the U.S. to put their plan back on track. Throughout 
the leaked Senate report, there are references to "the Israeli 
plan.” And the text of a memo by Lt. Col. Oliver North titled, 
“Covert Action Finding Regarding Iran" reads: “Prime Minis- 
ter Peres of Israel secretly dispatched his special adviser on 
terrorism (Amiram Nir) with instructions to propose a plan by 
which Israel, with limited assistance from the U.S. can create 

But instead of trying to shift the blame to Israel, the White 
House sought to delete all references to the Israeli role from 
the Senate report, and the media accounts followed suit. 

(continued on page 68) 

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